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WRITINGS  OF 
CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 


DESCRIPTIVE  OF 

THE  DISCOVERY  AND  OCCUPATION 
OF  THE    NEW  WORLD 


EDITED,   WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION, 
BY 

PAUL  LEICESTER  FORD 


CHARLES  L.  WEBSTER  &  CO. 
1892 


. 


Copyright,  1892, 
CHARLES  L.  WEBSTER  &  CO. 

(All  rights  reserved.} 


PRESS    OF 

JENKINS  &  McCowAN, 

NEW   YORK. 


TO 

E.   W.    BLATCHFORD 

OF    CHICAGO 
AS    A    TRIBUTE    OF    RESPECT    BOTH    TO    HIMSELF 

AND    TO    HIS    CITY 

SO    APPROPRIATELY    AND    NOBLY 

COMMEMORATING 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 

THIS    SMALLER    MEMORIAL 
IS    DEDICATED 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION       n 

LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA 26 

LETTER  TO  RAPHAEL  SANCHEZ 33 

LETTER  TO  Luis  DE  SANTANGEL 52 

LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA 67 

PRIVILEGES  OF  COLUMBUS 75 

DEED  OF  ENTAIL 83 

LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA 105 

LETTER  TO  JUANA  DE  LA  TORRES 151 

PRIVILEGES  OF  COLUMBUS 177 

LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA igg 

WILL  OF  COLUMBUS 240 


INTRODUCTION 


IN  the  four  centuries  which  have  elapsed  since  Chris 
topher  Columbus  sailed  his  caravels  to  the  westward  in 
search  of  the  Indies,  and  found  in  their  stead  a  new 
world,  two  factions  have  developed,  holding  antago 
nistic  opinions  regarding  his  personality  and  achieve 
ments.  The  one,  regardless  of  flaws  in  his  character 
and  methods,  seeks  his  canonization  from  the  great  ' 
Church  of  which  he  was  so  ardent  a  follower;  claiming 
that  the  conception,  accomplishment,  and  results  of 
his  great  discovery  entitle  him  to  a  place  among  those 
whom  reverent  mankind  must  worship,  as  guided  by 
more  than  earthly  and  human  inspiration.  The  other, 
losing  all  breadth  of  view  in  the  minuteness  of  its  in 
vestigation  of  his  life  and  works,  finds  him  a  vain,  igno-  \ 
rant,  and  even  half-mad  enthusiast,  his  claim  of  Bib 
lical  prophecy  and  inspiration  from  the  Trinity  little 
better  than  blasphemy,  his  great  act  based  on  ignorance 
and  error,  and  the  result  nothing  but  a  lucky  chance. 
Nor  need  these  views  occasion  surprise.  Such  opposite 
opinions  of  the  same  person  are  not  uncommon  either 
of  those  who  have  made  or  are  making  history.  As 
long  as  there  are  two  ends  to  our  mental  opera-glass 
we  shall  have  varying  ideas  of  the  magnitude  of  men 
and  deeds,  depending  on  whether  the  magnifying  or  di 
minishing  view  is  taken.  The  matter  for  surprise  is  that 
each  faction — the  "big  Endians  and  the  little  Endians  " 


12  INTRODUCTION 

— should  not  realize  that  there  are  two  ends;  that  a 
man,  as  well  as  a  statue,  can  be  regarded  from  above  as 
well  as  below,  and  that  though  the  two  impressions  are 
very  different,  yet  the  man  is  the  same;  that  the  two, 
or  many  views  must  be  combined  to  produce  a  true 
whole,  and  that  either  by  itself  is  misleading  and  un 
truthful.  Thus  in  the  life  of  Columbus  there  is  much 
to  sustain  both  factions,  yet  the  view  of  each  conveys 
a  false  result.  To  critically  discuss  the  basis  for  these 
two  extremes  is  neither  possible  nor  desirable  here. 
But  a  few  words  as  to  how  far  we  are  indebted  to 
Columbus  for  the  discovery  of  the  western  world  will 
serve  to  indicate  the  great  truths  in  both  points  of 
view,  as  well  as  their  wrong  impression. 

The  theory  of  the  rotundity  of  the  earth  naturally 
carried  with  it  the  corollary  that,  by  sailing  westward 
across  the  Atlantic,  land  would  eventually  be  reached 
in  the  -east,  and  this  opinion  was  therefore  held  by 
Aristotle,  Pliny,  Marinus,  Strabo,  and  other  ancient 
writers.  But  this  knowledge,  except  as  a  theory,  was 
of  no  value.  To  Greece  or  Rome  the  eastern  trade  was 
too  small  and  too  easily  conducted  to  tempt  explora 
tions  of  new  routes  for  it.  Nor  did  suggestions  of  un 
known  lands  beyond  the  western  limits  of  Europe 
arouse  curiosity  or  desire  to  explore  them.  In  vain  did 
Theopompus,  four  centuries  before  Christ,  and  after 
him  Virgil,  Plato,  Aristotle,  Seneca,  and  many  others, 
write  of  such.  Europe  itself  was  too  new  and  had  too 
little  energy  to  spare,  to  undertake  the  mere  verifica 
tion  of  what  at  best  were  mere  theories.  Before  Sene 
ca's  marvelous  prophecy  that  "there  will  come  an  age 
in  which  Ocean  shall  loosen  the  bands  of  things;  a 


INTRODUCTION  13 

great  country  shall  be  discovered  .  .  .  and  Thule  shall 
no  longer  be  the  extremity  of  the  earth,"  could  be  more 
than  a  prediction,  population  or  trade  must  press  for 
new  outlets.  Barring  accidents,  on  these  causes  de 
pended  the  nature  of  the  exploration  of  the  Atlantic. 
Should  population  first  crowd,  the  mythical  lands  would 
be  first  sought.  Should  trade  need  new  routes,  then 
Europe  would  seek  them  in  the  vast  unknown  waters 
beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules.  Till  in  want  of  one  or 
the  other,  the  opinions  and  hypotheses  of  these  writers 
would  be  but  interesting  speculations  for  the  learned; 
not  matters  for  practical  men  to  waste  time  on.  Yet, 
if  the  early  hypotheses  produced  no  direct  results,  they 
nevertheless  became  later  of  much  importance,  for  the 
respect  given  to  the  classic  writers  induced  many  to 
accept  their  opinions,  who  would  not  have  been  con 
vinced  by  the  more  practical  evidence  which  later  times 
produced. 

For  over  a  thousand  years  Europe  was  busied  with 
the  work  of  settling,  holding,  and  consolidating  its  ter 
ritories  into  countries  strong  enough  to  insure  both 
self-preservation  and  progress.  And  this  process  in 
volved  a  destruction  of  porju]iitien  that  prevented  all 
necessity  for  new  lands.  Had  the  exploration  of  the 
Atlantic  depended  on  this  alone  it  is  probable^that  the 
western  continents  wolItd^h^veTeniained  nnpyplnrpH  at 
least  two  centuries  longen  While  Europe,  however, 
felt  no  pressure  of  population  and  therefore  gave  no 
heed  to  the  tales  and  prophecies  of  unknown  lands,  the 
other  theory,  of  reaching  the  east  by  sailing  westward, 
became,  by  circumstances,  of  more  importance.  From 
the  earliest  time  a  trade  had  been  carried  on  between 


14  INTRODUCTION 

Europe  and  Asia.  During  the  semi-barbaric  and  feudal 
times  which  succeeded  the  Roman  empire  this  was  of 
especial  value  to  the  former,  for  the  peace  and  knowl 
edge  needed  for  arts  and  manufactures  were  slow  to 
come,  and  it  turned  to  the  older  civilization  for  them, 
sending  in  exchange  such  few  things  as  it  possessed 
that  Asia  wanted,  and  eking  out  its  balances  with  gold 
and  silver.  So  steadily  had  these  been  drained  away 
from  Europe  during  these  stormy  centuries  that  Aiiia 
was  termed  byit."  the  Golden  East."  The  trade  with 
this  land  of  jewels,  precious  metals,  wondrous  fabrics, 
and  spices,  was  the  most  profitable  of  the  time,  and 
enriched  the  centres  of  distribution  to  a  marvelous  de 
gree.  First  Constantinople,  then  Amalri,  and  finally 
Venice  and  Genoa,  became  rich  and  great  by  it.  The 
routes  through  the  Black  Sea,  Persian  Gulf,  and  Red 
Sea,  though  involving  caravans  and  transshipment,  were 
sufficient;  and  from  the  Mediterranean  the  products 
were  distributed  over  Europe  with  ease.  Europe  stood 
with  its  back  to  the  west.  All  the  interest  and  thought 
it  could  spare  from  its  own  concerns  were  centered 
in  the  east,  and  but  for  an  accident  would  have  so 
continued  for  an  indefinite  time.  Yet  so  curiously  are 
causes  and  effects  blended  that  it  was  this  very  concen 
tration  and  intensity  of  interest  that  eventually  led  to 
the  exploration  of  the  great  west. 

The  cause  for  this  apparent  contradiction  is  clear 
and  obvious.  Jn  the  ninth  century,  a  new  element 
entered  into  the  problem  of  barter  between  the  civilized 
east  and  the  fast  civilizing  west.  Between  these  two, 
and  walling  them  from  each  other,  the  barbaric  Turk 
threw  himself.  Across  the  caravan  routes  of  Asia- 


INTRODUCTION  15 

Minor,  Arabia,  Palestine,  and  Egypt  he  pushed  his 
hordes.  The  trade  was  too  valuable  to  Europe  to  be 
yield  :d  without  a  struggle.  For  four  hundred  years, 
with  a  curious,  perhaps  unconscious,  combination  of 
religion  and  pelf,  it  struggled  by  the  crusades  to  crush 
this  menace.  In  vain.  Slowly  but  surely,  the  trade 
was  throttled.  And  these  very  crusades  stimulated  the 
demand  for  eastern  goods,  for  it  familiarized  the  more 
extreme  and  northern  nations  of  Europe  with  them.  So 
strong  did  this  demand  become,  that,  force  having  been 
tried  in  vain,  even  religion  was  sacrificed,  and  the  Pope 
gave  dispensations  which  allowed  Christian  nations  to 
make  treaties  and  leagues  with  the  hated  Mohamme 
dans.  Even  this  availed  not  to  preserve  the  trade.  On 
land  the  Turk  could  not  maintain  order  enough  to 
make  caravan  trading  other  than  a  most  hazardous 
venture,  and  Turkish  pirates  scoured  the  eastern  end 
of  the  Mediterranean,  capturing  without  heed  of  treaty. 
If  Europe  wished  the  products  of  the  east,  it  must  find 
new  routes  for  them. 

This  turned  European  thought  in  new  directions, 
and  set  it  considering  and  discussing  the  Atlantic. 
The  old  writers  were  studied  and  quoted.  New  ones 
added  their  opinions,  and  the  few  facts  that  had  been 
learned  in  the  intervening  time.  The  growth  of  inter 
est  in  the  east  had  led  to  occasional  travelers  visiting 
that  region,  and  thus  a  very  fair  knowledge,  for  the 
times,  of  the  extent  of  it  had  been  obtained.  Some 
thing,  too,  had  been  learned  ot  the  eastern  coast  of 
upper  Africa.  The  problem  was  to  learn  whether  it 
was  shorter  to  circumnavigate  Africa,  and  so  reach  the 
Indies,  or  to  sail  directly  westward.  This  practically 


1 6  INTRODUCTION 

depended  on  the  size  of  the  earth  and  on  the  extent  of 
southern  Africa,  and  as  to  both,  ancient  and  modern 
philosophers  differed.  Except  as  an  opinion,  no  con 
clusion  could  be  reached  without  actual  experiment. 
{""The  nations  most  likely  to  attempt  this  were  the  Italian 
I  republics,  which  so  greatly  profited  by  this  trade;  but 
they  clung  to  the  old  and  accustomed  routes  to  the 
[last,  not  being  able  to  read  the  handwriting  on  the  wall. 
Nor  did  the  northern  nations,  hardy  and  venturesome 
as  their  sailors  were,  make  the  endeavor.  Furthest 
from  the  east,  the  benefits  of  the  trade  to  them  were 
too  slight  to  be  appreciated.  But  midway  between 
these,  the  nations  of  the  Spanish  peninsula,  facing  both 
east  and  west,  and  seeing  the  richness  of  the  oriental 
trade,  yet  only  seeing  it,  were,  a  priori,  the  countries  to 
seek  for  new  routes  to  "  far  Cathay."  And  so  it  proved. 
With  the  small  ships,  and  the  imperfect  means  ot 
navigation,  the  African  route  was  almost  certain  to  be 
the  first  attempted,  as  allowing  the  ships  to  hug  the 
land.  And  to  this  Portugal  turned  her  energies.  Ex 
pedition  after  expedition  crept  down  that  coast,  every 
few  years  going  a  little  further  than  before;  till  it  be 
came  evident  that  that  route  wras  far  longer  than  had 
been  hoped,  and  the  question  of  a  possibly  shorter  one 
directly  across  the  Atlantic  became  more  important. 
Disappointed,  yet  not  despairing,  Portugal  clung  to 
the  former,  and  so  to  Spain  fell  the  honor  of  exploring 
the  latter. 

The  man  to  act  for  Spain  was  singularly  fitted  for 
the  work.  Columbus,  though  calling  himself  "  an  ig 
norant  man,"  had  just  the  needed  knowledge.  Horn 
in  Genoa,  his  attention  could  not  be  otherwise  than 


INTRODUCTION  I/ 

attracted  to  the  Indies,  and  to  the  valuable  trade  with 
them  which  made  the  little  republic  a  power.  Whether 
he  ever  was  at  the  University  of  Pavia  has  been  ques 
tioned,  on  grounds  that  seem  altogether  insufficient,  as 
they  consist  only  of  his  extreme  youth,  entirely  ignoring 
the  precocity  of  the  southern  nations,  and  the  early 
age  at  which  lads  were  then  thrown  out  in  the  world. 
Certain  it  is  that  later  we  find  him  with  a  good  knowl 
edge  of  Latin  and  a  reader  of  books,  so  that  such  aid 
as  was  to  be  found  in  the  learning  of  his  time  was  not 
barred  to  him  as  it  was  to  many  of  that  day.  At 
fourteen  he  turned  mariner,  as  was  natural  to  a  Genoese, 
and,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  followed  the  seas  for 
twenty-three  years  without  being  on  shore  any  space  of 
time  worth  accounting."  Before  1492,  he  had  been  to 
the  Grecian  Archipelago,  Guinea,  the  Canaries,  Eng 
land,  and  Iceland,  and  indeed  he  claimed  to  have  seen 
all  the  East  and  West,  and  that  "wherever  ship  had 
sailed,  there  have  I  journeyed."  Without  entirely 
abandoning  the  sea  he  then  became  a  map-maker,  and 
to  such  it  seems  scarcely  possible  that  the  theory  of  a 
westward  sailing  should  not  have  occurred,  even  if  no 
ancient  writer  had  taught  it,  and  if  it  had  not  been  a 
matter  of  constant  and  growing  discussion.  Thus  a 
man  of  bold  disposition,  good  mind,  and  education, 
with  practical  sea  and  cartographic  knowledge,  and 
withal  an  enthusiast,  was  ready  to  act  at  the  time  that 
Europe's  interest  in  the  east  forced  her  at  last  to  turn 
westward.  That  he  had  to  beg  and  plead  with  differ 
ent  countries  proves  that  he,  like  most  men  of  single 
ideas,  was  in  advance  of  the  world's  progress.  That  he 
offered  his  services  to  Genoa  and  Venice,  though  denied 


1 8  INTRODUCTION 

by  many  modern  writers,  on  purely  negative  evidence, 
is  so  natural  as  to  be  well-nigh  certain.  The  evident 
cause  for  their  refusals  has  already  been  indicated.  So, 
too,  has  Portugal's  reason  for  declining  his  offer.  And 
so,  the  "  Most  Christian,  High,  Excellent,  and  Power 
ful  Princes,  King  and  Queen  of  Spain  and  of  the 
Islands  of  the  Sea  ...  in  consequence  of  the  infor 
mation  which  I  had  given  your  Highnesses  respecting 
the  countries  of  India  .  .  .  determined  to  send  me, 
Christopher  Columbus,  to  the  above  mentioned  coun 
tries,  .  .  .  and  furthermore  directed  that  I  shall  not 
proceed  by  land  to  the  east,  as  is  customary,  but  by  a 
westerly  route."  And  sailing  from  Palos  on  Aug.  3, 
1492,  he  found,  not  a  trade  route  to  the  Indies,  but  a 
new  world. 

The  question  whether  Columbus  first  discovered  this 
world  has  been  an  endless  and  decidedly  amusing  bone 
of  contention  among  historians  and  pseudo-historians. 
Every  myth  or  shadowy  suggestion  of  a  possible  pre- 
Columbian  finding  of  America  has  been  brought  for 
ward,  regardless  of  the  basis  for  the  claim.  From  al 
most  every  nation  of  Europe  and  Asia  a  pretender  for 
the  discovery  has  been  exploited  by  some  would-be 
historian  and  these  have  been  soberly  discussed  even 
by  more  judicious  writers,  with  much  inevitable  befog 
ging  of  the  whole  question.  Not  till  the  unproved  and 
non  -  disprovable  stories  of  the  Egyptian,  Arabian, 
Phoenician,  Tartar,  Chinese,  Irish,  Welsh,  Venetian, 
Portuguese,  and  Polish  discoveries  of  the  new  world 
are  dismissed  into  the  lumber-room  of  history,  can  the 
true  value  of  pre-Columbian  progress  toward  the  find 
ing  of  the  new  world  be  realized  by  any  but  specialists. 


INTRODUCTION  19 

Rejecting  them,  certain  facts  stand  forth  with  clear 
ness. 

The  first  of  these  is  the  Norse  finding  and  attempted 
occupation  of  America.  Few  historical  facts  deserve 
more  credence.  Unimpeachable  records  show  that  in 
the  seventh  century  political  refugees  from  Norway 
occupied  Iceland.  In  the  next  century,  by  chance, 
Greenland  was  found  and  colonized;  and  in  the  ninth 
century,  again  by  chance,  the  American  continent  was 
stumbled  upon.  Settlements  were  attempted,  but  in 
vain.  Europe  had  too  little  need  for  new  countries, 
and  too  much  need  for  men,  to  spare  enough  for  them 
to  hold  their  own  against  the  natives.  For  three,  hun 
dred  years  occasional  voyages  were  made  to  the  coast, 
and  the  settlement  at  Greenland  outlasted  even  these; 
not  being  crushed  till  the  century  in  which  the  new 
world  was  found  by  the  Spaniards. 

No  such  records  exist  concerning  any  other  accidental 
finding  of  America,  yet  from  certain  data  of  equal 
credibility,  the  proof  that  various  parts  of  the  western 
islands  and  continents  were  occasionally  sighted  by 
stray  ships,  is  so  strong  that  the  evidence  should  be 
sufficient  to  prove  the  claim  in  a  court  of  justice.  His 
torians,  for  the  most  part,  and  the  biographers  of  Co 
lumbus,  have  denied  this,  basing  their  denials  on  the 
absence  of  records  of  such.  It  is  true  that,  so  far  as 
we  know,  no  books  or  chronicles  of  the  fourteenth  or 
fifteenth  centuries  contain  mention  of  such  voyages. 
But  this  is  purely  negative  testimony,  and  is  not  the 
evidence  to  cite.  With  hardly  an  exception,  the  writers 
of  that  time  were  secluded  in  the  walls  of  monasteries, 
out  of  touch  with  the  busy  world,  and  shut  off  from 


20  INTRODUCTION 

and  even  despising  current  and  mundane  news.  As 
soon  expect  to  find  references  to  voyages  and  strange 
lands  in  their  writings,  as  the  latest  stock  quotations 
in  the  modern  university  or  cathedral.  On  the  wharves 
of  commercial  cities,  and  in  the  caracks  and  caravels 
that  lay  beside  them,  was  where  the  news  of  unknown 
lands  was  to  be  heard.  Here  the  air  was  full  of  stories 
and  rumors,  which  have  left  so  strong  an  atmosphere 
of  knowledge  of  western  lands,  that  it  has  given  pause 
even  to  the  most  ardent  believers  in  the  priority  of  the 
discovery  of  Columbus,  and  has  driven  them  to  con 
fess  that  stories  of  western  lands  were  "in  the  air" 
long  before  Columbus  sailed,  but  they  claim  that  the 
only  basis  for  these  rumors  and  stories  was  mari 
ners'  yarns,  imaginings,  and  deceptions.  Were  this 
atmosphere  the  only  proof,  their  assertions  might  be 
granted,  as  these  sailors'  tales  found  no  chronicler  to 
verify  and  preserve  them.  But  they  come  down  to  us 
in  another  form,  which  cannot  be  dismissed  so  easily, 
and  which  as  yet  seems  by  far  too  little  studied  and 
appreciated — the  evidence  of  the  cartography  of  those 
centuries. 

The  map-maker  of  that  time  stands  on  a  plane  with, 
yet  apart  from,  his  fellow-scholars,  being  the  only 
branch  which  was  called  upon  to  keep  down  to  date. 
A  man  of  learning,  he  was,  as  well,  one  who  had  usually 
commanded  or  sailed  in  ships,  and  he  lived  in  the  sea 
port  towns  where  he  could  find  a  sale  for  his  charts, 
and  obtain  the  latest  facts  of  geographical  discovery. 
The  more  lands  he  could  map  accurately,  the  greater 
his  repute,  and  the  larger  his  profits.  That  this  would 
make  him  careful  and  painstaking  was  certain.  Con- 


INTRODUCTION  21 

structing  maps  by  which  vessels  were  to  be  navigated, 
he  would  not  idly  enter  lands  to  obstruct  routes,  nor 
would  he  omit  from  his  chart  any  reported  on  good  ) 
evidence  lest  he  should  cast  ships  away  on  them.  Of 
his  superior  information  on  this  subject  to  his  contem 
poraries,  it  is  enough  to  cite  that  he  accurately  mapped 
the  Canaries,  Madeira,  and  the  Azores,  respectively 
ninety-six,  fifty-one,  and  ninety-eight  years  before  those 
islands  were  discovered  by  the  Portuguese.  The  most 
accurate  and  careful  maps  of  to-day  are  the  Admiralty  ^ 
and  Coast  Survey  charts,  and  this  was  equally  true  of 
the  maps  of  five  hundred  years  ago.  Their  evidence 
cannot  be  omitted  in  the  history  of  the  discovery  of 
America. 

The  persistence  with  which  lands  unknown  to  the 
learned  of  Europe  were  entered  on  the  maps  of  the 
fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  is  really  remarkable. 
In  the  few  maps  that  have  been  preserved  to  us,  no  less  I 
than  twenty-seven,  made  between  1351  and  1492,  by  dif 
ferent  geographers  working  in  different  cities  of  Europe, 
locate  islands  or  masses  of  land  in  the  western  Atlantic, 
of  which  no  account  or  mention  is  to  be  found  in  the 
writings  of  the  same  time.  Varying  in  size  and  spell 
ing,  Greenland,  Brazil,  Antilia,  St.  Brandan,  Roillo, 
Satanaxio,  Sete  Zitade,  Saliroza,  and  others,  are  given. 
Sometimes  only  one  is  included;  sometimes  several. 
That  their  relative  positions  were  varied  on  different 
maps  and  that  different  names  were  given  to  the  same 
lands,  has  been  cited  as  evidence  that  they  were  the 
mere  coinings  of  the  different  draftsmen's  imagination. 
But  the  purpose  of  these  maps,  as  already  shown, 
proves  the  unlikelihood  of  this.  And  this  very  contra- 


22  INTRODUCTION 

diction  really  increases  the  proof  of  their  reality,  for 
had  they  been  only  inventions,  it  is  obvious  that  their 
positions  would  have  remained  unchanged  from  the 
places  assigned  them  by  their  inventor,  while  it  is  evi- 

Ident  that   each    mariner  who  reported  a  land- fall  to 

(westward  would  give  it  a  name  and  report  the  latitude. 
And  it  is  not  strange  that,  unacquainted  with  the  fact 
that  two  continents  with  thousands  of  miles  of  coast 
existed,  the  map-makers  should  move  these  islands  up 
and  down  in  the  Atlantic,  and  confuse  names  in  the 

?  attempt  to  harmonize  and  reduce  these  reports  to  car 
tography.  Of  the  sailors'  faith  in  the  truth  of  these 
maps,  it  is  enough  to  mention  that  the  chart  by  which 
Columbus  sailed  in  his  first  voyage  included  some  of 
these  islands;  and  that  he  believed  them  well-established 
facts  is  shown  by  his  narrative  of  this  voyage,  in  which 
he  several  times  speaks  of  them.  Even  after  the  find- 
ing  by  Columbus,  and  the  then  rapid  exploration  of 

i  the  coast,  it  was  many  years  before  America  was  not 

usually  mapped  as  a  series  of  islands,  often  varying  in 

name,  each  of  which  represented  a  stretch  of  territory 

described  by  some  explorer  or  explorers,  and  which  the 

i  ignorance  of  the  times  prevented  uniting  into  one  con- 

/  tinuous  coast-line. 

That  these  pre-Columbian  land-falls  produced  no 
stir  or  results  has  been  urged  as  a  reason  for  their  never 
having  been  made.  The  cause  is  clear.  Europe  did 
/  not  want  new  lands  and  cared  nothing  for  them. 
Many  of  the  sailors'  stories,  though  believed  by  their 
fellow-mariners  and  map-makers,  received  no  credence 
from  courts  or  colleges.  Even  a  monarch  so  interested 
and  learned  in  geographical  discovery  as  John  of 


INTRODUCTION  23 

Portugal,  refused  to  believe  the  finding  of  new  lands  by 
Columbus,  till  he  was  shown  the  natives  and  found 
them  a   race   hitherto  unknown.     The  failure  of  the 
Norsemen,  a    nation   of   seamen   and   possessing  the 
shortest  route  to  America,  to  take  advantage  of  their 
knowledge,    proves    how    valueless    these   discoveries  j 
were  then  considered.     For  nearly  two  hundred  years 
after   America   was   known,  only  deportations,  greed 
of  gold,  or  political   or   religious   persecutions  coulcf^ 
force   the    peoples   of   the   old   world    to    migrate   to' 
the  new.     That  the   voyage   of   Columbus   produced^ 
more  results  than  these  other  accidental  findings  was/ 
due  to  three  causes:     i.  That  it  was  made  under  the 
patronage  of  a  court  which  anthenticated,  advertised; 
and  shared  the  glory  of  the  discovery.     2.  That  for 
many  years  the  lands  found   were  believed  to  be  the 
EastTndies,  in  which  Europe  was  greatly  interested.   3.     I 
That  Columbus  on  his  returnreported  vast  mines  of 
gold,  thereby  inciting  many  to  journey  westward. 

That  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  was  as 
accidental  as  those  of  the  Norsemen  or  the  unrecorded 
findings,  and  that  he  died  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  he 
had  found  a  new  world,  are  urged  by  many  as  militat 
ing  against,  if  not  depriving  him  of,  the  claim  to  its] 
honor.  Such  arguments  entirely  overlook  the  fact 
that  Columbus  was  the  first  purposely  to  attempt  the 
exploration  of  the  western  Atlantic,  and  that  whatever 
results  this  exploration  produced  are  due  to  him.  Nor 
are  the  great  results  the  only  honor  that  must  be  ac 
corded  him.  A  man  who,  for  twenty  years  brooded  on 
a  great  and  useful  idea,  who  battled  with  all  forms  of 
human  opposition  to  that  idea,  and  who  risked  his  life 


24  INTRODUCTION 

in  unknown  lands  and  waters  in  leaky  and  unfit  ships, 
with  untrustworthy  subordinates,  to  prove  that  idea — 
even  if  we  find  him  boasting  vainly  of  his  great  deeds, 
or  whining  in  humiliation  and  chains — must  challenge 
the  admiration  of  the  world,  as  an  advanced  thinker 
and  a  brave  man.  The  defects  delighted  in  by  his 
"  critical  "  biographers  and  commentators  undoubt 
edly  existed,  he  being  human.  But  self-interest  and 
i  self-esteem  are  not  such  rare  qualities  as  to  form  arti- 
;  cles  of  impeachment  against  the  men  who  have  cor- 
}  respondingly  great  merits.  Other  faults  were  those  of 
his  generation.  To  animadvert  on  his  claim  of  divine 
inspiration  for  his  westward  sailing;  on  his  belief  that 
he  had  discovered  the  locality  of  the  Garden  of  Eden; 
on  his  theory  of  a  pear-shaped  world;  on  his  eager 
searches  for  gold;  on  his  proposed  enslavement  of  the 
aborigines,  and  on  his  bastard  child  and  its  mother,  is 
anything  but  "  critical,"  for  it  is  projecting  the  atmos 
phere  and  views  of  the  skeptical,  Protestant,  nineteenth 
century,  into  the  believing,  Catholic,  fifteenth  century. 
The  best  antidote  to  these  views,  the  editor  believes, 
is  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of  Columbus.  Only 
fragments,  with  wide  gaps  and  breaks,  due  to  loss  and 
destruction,  they  nevertheless  show,  as  nothing  else 
can  show,  the  thoughts,  acts,  and  desires  of  the  -man. 
He  himself  once  entreated, little  recking  that  it  would  be 
equally  necessary  nearly  four  hundred  years  later,  that 
"I  must  be  re-established  in  reputation,  and  spoken 
of  throughout  the  universe:  for  the  things  I  have  done 
are  such,  that  they  must  gain,  day  by  day,  in  the  esti 
mation  of  mankind."  If  this  little  volume  contributes 
at  all  to  that  wish,  the  purpose  of  its  editor  has  been 
accomplished.  PAUL  LEICESTER  FORD. 


WRITINGS  OF  COLUMBUS 


LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND 
ISABELLA* 

TN    the    name    of    our    Lord    Jesus    Christ. 

•*•  Whereas,  Most  Christian,  High,  Excel 
lent  and  Powerful  Princes,  King  and  Queen  of 
Spain  and  of  the  Islands  of  the  Sea,  our  Sover 
eigns,  this  present  year,  1492,  after  your  High 
nesses  had  terminated  the  war  with  the  Moors 

*  This  narrative  of  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus  is  usually 
quoted  by  historians  as  his  "  Journal,"  and  they  deplore 
the  loss  of  the  letter  he  wrote  to  the  King  and  Queen  of 
Spain  recounting  his  discoveries.  But  a  very  superficial 
study  of  it  must  convince  anyone,  from  the  use  of  the  per 
sonal  pronoun,  that  this  is  that  letter,  and  not  a  journal, 
though  Columbus  adopted  the  diary  form  in  writing  it. 
Unfortunately,  only  an  abstract  of  the  original,  made  by 
Las  Casas,  is  known  to  us,  and  he  so  changed  and  abbre 
viated  the  words  of  Columbus,  that  the  bulk  of  it  is  in  no 
sense  the  latter's  writing.  The  preamble,  however,  Las 
Casas  copied  entire,  so  it  is  here  printed.  This  portion  of 
the  letter  was  probably  written  the  day  before  his  sailing 
from  Palos,  Aug.  3,  1492.  The  translation  is  by  Samuel 
Kettell,  printed  in  his  Personal  Narrative  of  the  First  Voyage 
of  Columbus,  .  .  .  Boston,  1827.  The  original  text  is  in 
Navarrete's  Coleccion  de  los  Viages,  .  .  .  Madrid,  1825. 
27 


28  LETTER    TO 

reigning  in  Europe,  the  same  having  been 
brought  to  an  end  in  the  great  city  of  Gra 
nada,  where,  on  the  second  day  of  January, 
this  present  year,  I  saw  the  royal  banners 
upon  the  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  which  is 
the  fortress  of  that  city,  and  saw  the  Moorish 
king  come  out  at  the  gate  of  the  city  and  kiss 
the  hand  of  your  Highnesses,  and  of  the 
Prince,  my  Sovereign;  and  in  the  present 
month,  in  consequence  of  the  information 
.  which  I  had  given  your  Highnesses  respecting 
j  the  countries  of  India  and  of  a  Prince  called 
Great  Can,*  which  in  our  language  signifies 
King  of  Kings,  how,  at  many  times,  he  and  his 
predecessors  had  sent  to  Rome  soliciting  in 
structors  who  might  teach  him  our  holy  faith, 
and  the  holy  Father  had  never  granted  his  re 
quest,  whereby  great  numbers  of  people  were 
lost,  believirvg  in  idolatry  and  doctrines  of 
perdition.  Your  Highnesses,  as  Catholic 

*  This  refers  to  Kooblai  Khan,  the  great  founder  of  the 

Mongol  empire.     Marco  Polo  had  exploited  his  personality, 

wealth,  and   empire,  to  Europe,  a  century  before,  and  Eu- 

\    rope  persistently  kept  him  alive  for  long  after  even  this 

£     period. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  2Q 

Christians,  and  princes  who  love  and  promote 
the  holy  Christian  faith,  and  are  enemies  of 
the  doctrine  of  Mahomet,  and  of  all  idolatry 
and  heresy,  determined  to  send  me,  Christo-  / 
pher  Columbus,  to  the  above  -  mentioned 
countries  of  India,  to  see  the  said  princes, 
people  and  territories,  and  to  learn  their  dis 
position  and  the  proper  method  of  converting) 
them  to  our  holy  faith;  and,  furthermore,  di-v 
rectccl  that  I  should  not  proceed  by  land  to 
the  East,  as  is  customary,  but  by  a  Westerly 
route,  in  which  direction  we  have  hitherto  no 
certain  evidence  that  any  one  has  gone.  So, 
after  having  expelled  the  Jews  from  your  do 
minions,  your  Highnesses,  in  the  same  month 
of  January,  ordered  me  to  proceed,  with  ai 
sufficient  armament,  to  the  said  regions  of 
India,  and  for  that  purpose  granted  me  great 
favors,  and  ennobled  me  that  thenceforth  I 
might  call  myself  Don,  and  be  High  Admiral 
Q.f.-thje_.S.Q.a,  and  perpetual  Viceroy  and  Gov 
ernor  in  all  the  islands  and  continents  which  I 
might  discover  and  acquire,  or  which  may 
hereafter  be  discovered  and  acquired  in  the 


30  LKTTER    TO 

ocean;  and  that  this  dignity  should  be  inher 
ited  by  my  eldest  son,  and  thus  descend  from 
degree  to  degree  forever.  Hereupon  I  left  the 
city  of  Granada,  on  Saturday,  the  twelfth  day 
<of  May,  1492,  and  proceeded  to  Palos,  a  sea 
port,  where  I  armed  three  vessels,  very  fit  for 
such  an  enterprise*  and  having  provided  my 
self  with  abundance  of  stores  and  seamen, t  I 
set  sail  from  the  port,  on  Friday,  the  third 
i  of  August,  half  an  hour  before  sunrise,  and 
steered  for  the  Canary  Islands  of  your  High 
nesses,  which  are  in  the  said  ocean,  thence  to 
take  my  departure  and  proceed  till  I  arrived 
at  the  Indies,  and  perform  the  embassy  of 
your  Highnesses  to  the  Princes  J  there,  and 


*  These  were  the  Santa  Maria,  Pinta  and  Nina.  Colum- 
bus's  opinion  of  their  fitness  very  quickly  changed  after  he 
got  to  sea.  Unlike  the  Portuguese  caravels,  the  Spanish 
caravels  were  square  rigged,  and  with  the  high  bows  and 
poops  of  those  days  they  were  practically  incapable  of 
beating  to  windward.  His  largest  ship,  too,  was  a  very 
dull  sailor,  and  all  three  leaked  so  as  hardly  to  be  safe. 

f  There  is  much  contradictory  evidence  as  to  how  many 
(  men  sailed  with  Columbus,  but  probably  Peter  Martyr's 
statement  of  two  hundred  and  ten  is  the  most  reliable. 

{The  monarchs  had  given  him  a  letter  in  blank  to  them, 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  31 

discharge  the  orders  given  me.  For  this  pur 
pose  I  determined  to  keep  an  account  of  the 
voyage,  and  to  write  down  punctually  every 
thing  we  performed  or  sa-w  from  day  to  day, 
as  will  hereafter  appear.  Moreover,  Sovereign 
Princes,  besides  describing  every  night  the 
occurrences  of  the  day,  and  every  day  those 
of  the  preceding  night,  I  intend  to  draw  up  a 
nautical  chart,  which  shall  contain  the  several 
parts  of  the  ocean  and  land  in  their  proper 
situations;  and  also  to  compose  a  book  to 
represent  the  whole  by  picture  with  latitudes 
and  longitudes,  on  all  which  accounts  it  be 
hoves  me  to  abstain  from  my  sleep,  and  make 
many  trials  in  navigation,  which  things  will 
demand  much  labor.* 

which  is  printed  in  Vol.  I.  of  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers 
Relating  to  England  and  Spain. 

*On  his  return  from  his  first  voyage  Columbus  gave 
this  to  the  Queen,  who  wrote  him  in  September,  1493: 
"  By  this  courier  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  book  which  you 
left  here.  The  reason  of  its  being  so  long  delayed,  was  to 
have  it  written  out  secretly,  in  order  that  neither  the 
Portuguese  who  are  here,  nor  any  other  person,  might 
know  anything  of  it.  And  for  that  purpose,  that  it  might 
be  more  quickly  finished,  you  will  perceive  that  it  is  in 


32  LETTER    TO 

two  different  handwritings.  Certainly,  according  to  what 
has  been  here  seen  and  treated  of  respecting  this  affair,  we 
perceive  every  day,  more  and  more,  its  great  weight  and 
importance.  If  the  sailing  chart  which  you  were  to  pre 
pare  is  finished,  send  it  to  me  immediately." 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  33 


LETTER  TO  RAPHAEL  SANCHEZ* 

Letter  addressed  to  the  noble  Lord  Raphael  Sanchez, 
Treasurer  to  their  most  invincible  Majesties,  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella,  King  and  Queen  of  Spain,  by  Chris 
topher  Columbus,  to  whom  our  age  is  greatly  indebted, 
treating  of  the  islands  of  India  recently  discovered  be 
yond  the  Ganges,  to  explore  which  he  had  been  sent 
eight  months  before  under  the  auspices  and  at  the  ex 
pense  of  their  said  Majesties,  which  the  noble  and 
learned  man,  Aliander  de  Cosco,  translated  from  the 
Spanish  idiom  into  Latin  the  third  day  of  the  calends 
of  May,  1493.  The  year  One  of  the  Pontificate  of  Al 
exander  VI. 

TV"  NOWING  that  it  will  afford  you  pleasure 
•J- *-  to  learn  that  I  have  brought  my  under 
taking  to  a  successful  termination,  I  have  de- 

o 

cided  upon  writing  you  this  letter  to  acquaint 
you  with  all  the  events  which  have  occurred  in 

*  This  letter,  which  is  that  which  announced  to  Europe! 
the  discovery  of  Columbus,  is  unknown  in  the  Spanish 
original.  A  copy  of  it  was  soon  in  Rome,  and  was  there 
translated  into  Latin  by  Leander  de  Cosco,  and  in  that  lan 
guage  was  many  times  reprinted  in  different  parts  of  Eu 
rope.  From  this  fact  it  is  probable  that  it  was  received 


TFTF 

tr  DIVERSITY 


34  LETTER    TO 

my  voyage,  and  jJie  discoveries  which  have 
resulted  from  it.  Thirty-three  days-"  after  my 
departure  from  Cadiz  I  reached  the  Indian  sca.t 
where  I  discovered  many  islands,  thickly  peo 
pled,  of  which  I  took  possession  without  re 
sistance,  in  the  name  of  our  most  illustrious 
Monarch,  by  public  proclamation  and  with 
unfurled  banners.  To  the  first  of  these  islands, 


by  its  recipient  before  the  one  Columbus  addressed  to  San- 
tangel,  which  I  therefore  place  after  this,  though  it  is  the 
far  preferable  account,  as  being  translated  directly  from 
Columbus's  words,  instead  of  being  a  translation  of  a  trans 
lation.  The  English  translation  is  by  R.  H.  Major,  printed 
in  his  Select  Letters  of  Christopher  Coin/films,  .  .  .  Loin/on, 
1847.  The  original  text  is  Epistola  Christ  of  or  I  Coloni.  .  . 
\_Rome\  Maii,  M.  cccc.  xciii. 

*This  is  an  evident  error,  probably  of  the  Latin  transla 
tor.  Major  concludes  that  it  was  the  careless  substitution 
of  Gadibus  (Latin  for  Cadiz)  for  Gomera,  in  the  Cana 
ries,  which  was  the  last  land  Columbus  visited  before  he 
sailed  westward,  and  from  which  he  was  thirty-five  days 
in  sighting  land.  But  this  required  two  errors,  and  it 
seems  to  the  present  editor  more  probable  that  Columbus 
was  in  Cadiz  two  days  before  leaving  Palos,  and  that  the 
error  was  merely  a  typographical  one  in  printing  the  Ro 
man  numerals  xxxm  in  place  of  LXXIII — an  error  far  more 
likely  to  occur  than  the  two  changes  of  words  involved  in 
Major's  explanation. 

f  October  I2th. 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  35 

which  is  called  by  the  Indians  Guanahani,  I 
gave  the  name  of  the  blessed  Saviour  (San 
Salvador),  relying  upon  whose  protection  I 
had  reached  this  as  well  as  the  other  islands; 
to  each  of  these  I  also  gave  a  name,  ordering 
that  one  should  be  called  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Concepcion,*  another  Fernandina,t  the  third 
Isabella,:):  the  fourth  Juana,§  and  so  with  all 
the  rest  respectively.  As  soon  as  we  arrived 
at  that  which  I  have  said  was  named  Juana, 
I  proceeded  along  its  coast  a  short  distance 
westward,  and  found  it  to  be  so  large  and  ap 
parently  without  termination,  that  I  could  not 
suppose  it  to  be  an  island,  but  the  continental 
province  of  Cathay.  Seeing,  however,  no 
towns  or  populous  places  on  the  sea-coast,  but 
only  a  few  detached  houses  and  cottages,  with 
whose  inhabitants  I  was  unable  to  communi 
cate,  because  they  fled  as  soon  as  they  saw  us, 
I  went  further  on,  thinking  that  in  my  progress 
I  should  certainly  find  some  city  or  village. 
At  length,  after  proceeding  a  great  way,  and 

*  North  Caico.  \  Great  Inagua. 

f  Little  Inagua.  §  Cuba. 


36  LETTER    TO 

finding  that  nothing  new  presented  itself,  and 
that  the  line  of  coast  was  leading  us  north 
ward  (which  I  wished  to  avoid,  because  it  was 
winter,  and  it  was  my  intention  to  move  south 
ward;  and  because,  moreover,  the  winds  were 
contrary),  I  resolved  not  to  attempt  any  fur 
ther  progress,  but  rather  to  turn  back  and  re 
trace  my  course  to  a  certain  bay  that  I  had 
observed,  and  from  which  I  afterwards  dis 
patched  two  of  our  men  to  ascertain  whether 
there  were  a  king  or  any  cities  in  that  province. 
These  men  reconnoitred  the  country  for  three 
'days,  and  found  a  most  numerous  population, 
and  great  numbers  of  houses,  though  small, 
and  built  without  any  regard  to  order:  with 
which  information  they  returned  to  us.  In  the 
meantime  I  had  learned  from  some  Indians 
whom  I  had  seized,  that  that  country  was  cer 
tainly  an  island:  and,  therefore,  I  sailed  toward 
the  east,  coasting  to  the  distance  of  three  hun 
dred  and  twenty-two  miles,  which  brought  us 
to  the  extremity  of  it;  from  this  point  I  saw 
lying  eastward  another  island,  fifty-four  miles 
distant  from  Juana,  to  which  I  gave  the  name 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  37 

of  Espariola:*  I  went  thither,  and  steered  my 
course  eastward,  as  I  had  done  at  Juana,  even 
to  the  distance  of  five  hundred.. and  sixty-four 
miles  along  the  north  coast.  This  said  island 
of  Juana  is  exceedingly  fertile,  as,  indeed,  are 
all  the  others;  it  is  surrounded  with  many 
bays,  spacious,  very  secure  and  surpassing  any 
that  I  have  ever  seen;  numerous  large  and 
healthful  rivers  intersect  it,  and  it  also  contains 
many  very  lofty  mountains.  All  these  islands  are 
very  beautiful,  and  distinguished  by  a  diversity! 
of  scenery;  they  are  filled  with  a  great  variety 
of  trees  of  immense  height,  and  which  I  believe 
to  retain  their  foliage  in  all  seasons;  for  when 
I  saw  them  they  were  as  verdant  and  luxuri 
ant  as  they  usually  are  in  Spain  in  the  month 
of  May — some  of  them  were  blossoming,  some 
bearing  fruit,  and  all  flourishing  in  the  greatest 
perfection,  according  to  their  respective  stages 
of  growth,  and  the  nature  and  quality  of  each: 
yet  the  islands  are  not  so  thickly  wooded  as  to 
be  impassable.  The  nightingale  and  various 
birds  were  singing  in  countless  numbers,  and 
*  Hispaniola,  otherwise  San  Domingo  or  Hayti. 


38  LETTER   TO 

that  in  November,  the  month  in  which  I  ar 
rived  there.  There  are,  besides,  in  the  same 
island  of  Juana,  seven  or  eight  kinds  of  palm- 
i  trees,  which,  like  all  the  other  trees,  herbs  and 
I  fruits,  considerably  surpass  ours  in  height  and 
beauty.  The  pines,  also,  are  very  handsome, 
and  there  are  very  extensive  fields  and  mead 
ows,  a  variety  of  birds,  different  kinds  of 
/  honey,  and  many  sorts  of  metals,  but  no.  iron. 
In  that  island,  also,  which  I  have  before  said 
we  named  Espariola,  there  are  mountains  of 
very  great  size  and  beauty,  vast  plains,  groves, 
and  very  fruitful  fields,  admirably  adapted 
for  tillage,  pasture  and  habitation.  The  con 
venience  and  excellence  of  the  harbors  in  this 
island,  and  the  abundance  of  the  rivers,  so  in 
dispensable  to  the  health  of  man,  surpass  any 
thing  that  would  be  believed  by  one  who  had 
not  seen  it.  The  trees,  herbage  and  fruits  of 
Espaiiola  are  very  different  from  those  of  Ju 
ana,  and,  moreover,  it  abounds  in  various  kinds 
of  spices,  gold  and  other  metals.  The  inhab 
itants  of  both  sexes  in  this  island,  and  in  all 
the  others  which  I  have  seen,  or  of  which  I 


RAPHAEL     SANCHEZ  39 

have  received  information,  go  always  naked  asl 
they  were  born,  with  the  exception  of  some  of' 
the  women,  who  use  the  covering  of  a  leaf,  or 
small  bough,  or  an  apron  of  cotton,  which 
they  prepare  for  that  purpose.  None  of  them, 
as  I  have  already  said,  are  possessed  of  any 
iron,  neither  have  they  weapons,  being  unac 
quainted  with,  and,  indeed,  incompetent  to  use 
them,  not  from  any  deformity  of  body  (for  they 
are  well  formed)  but  because  they  are  timid 
and  full  of  fean  They  carry,  however,  in  lieu 
of  arms,  canes  dried  in  the  sun,  on  the  ends  of 
which  they  fix  heads  of  dried  wood  sharpened 
to  a  point,  and  even  these  they  dare  not  use 
habitually;  for  it  has  often  occurred,  when  I 
have  sent  two  or  three  of  my  men  to  any  of 
the  villages  to  speak  with  the  natives,  that 
they  have  come  out  in  a  disorderly  troop,  and 
have  fled  in  such  haste  at  the  approach  of  our 
men,  that  the  fathers  forsook  their  children 
and  the  children  their  fathers.  This  timidity 
did  not  arise  from  any  loss  or  injury  that  they 
had  received  from  us;  for,  on  the  contrary,  ~I 
gave  to  all  I  approached  whatever  articles  I 


40  LETTER    TO 

had  about  me,  such  as  cloth  and  many  other 
things,  taking  nothing  of  theirs  in  return;  but 
they  are  naturally  timid  and  fearful.  As  soon, 
however,  as  they  see  that  they  are  safe,  and 
jhave  laid  aside  all  fear,  they  are  very  simple 
and  honest,  and  exceedingly  liberal  with  all. 
they  have;  none  of  them  refusing  anything  he 
may  possess  when  he  is  asked  for  it,  but,  on 
J  the  contrary,  inviting  us  to  ask  them.  They 
exhibit  great  love  toward  all  others  in  prefer 
ence  to  themselves;  they  also  give  objects  of 
great  value  for  trifles,  and  content  themselves 
with  very  little  or  nothing  in  return.  I,  how 
ever,  forbade  that  these  trifles  and  articles  of 
no  value  (such  as  pieces  of  dishes,  plates  and 
glass,  keys  and  leather  straps),  should  be  given 
to  them,  although,  if  they  could  obtain  them, 
they  imagined  themselves  to  be  possessed  of 
the  most  beautiful  trinkets  in  the  world.  It 
even  happened  that  a  sailor  received  for  a 
leather  strap  as  much  gold  as  was  worth  three 
golden  nobles,  and  for  things  of  more  trifling 
value  offered  by  our  men,  especially  newly 
coined  blancas,  or  any  gold  coins,  the  Indians 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  4.1 

would  give  whatever  the  seller  required;  as, 
for  instance,  an  ounce  and  a  half  or  two  ounces 
of  gold,  or  thirty  or  forty  pounds  of  cotton, 
with  which  commodity  they  were  already  ac 
quainted.  Thus  they  bartered,  like  idiots,  cot 
ton  and  gold  for  fragments  of  bows,  glasses, 
bottles  and  jars;  which  I  forbade  as  being  un 
just,  and  myself  gave  them  many  beautiful  and 
acceptable  articles  which  I  had  brought  with 
me,  taking  nothing  for  them  in  return;  I  did 
this  in  order  that  I  might  the  more  easily  con 
ciliate  them,  that  they  might  be  led  to  become 
Christians,  and  be  inclined  to  entertain  a  re 
gard  for  the  King  and  Queen,  our  Princes  and 
all  Spaniards,  and  that  I  might  induce  them 
to  take  an  interest  in  seeking  out  and  collect 
ing  and  delivering  to  us  such  things  as  tfiey 
possessed  in  abundance,  but  which  we  greatly 
needed.  They  practice  no  kind  of  idolatry, 
but  have  a  firm  belief  that  all  strength  and 
power,  and,  indeed,  all  good  things,  are  in 
heaven,  and  that  I  had  descended  from  thence 
with  these  ships  and  sailors,  and  under  this 
impression  was  I  received  after  they  had 


42  LETTER   TO 

thrown  aside  their  fears.  Nor  are  they  slow 
or  stupid,  but  of  very  clear  understanding; 
and  those  men  who  have  crossed  to  the  neigh 
boring  islands  give  an  admirable  description 
of  everything  they  observed;  but  they  never 
saw  any  people  clothed,  nor  any  ships  like 
ours.  On  my  arrival  at  that  sea  I  had 
taken  some  Indians  by  force  from  the  first 
island  that  I  came  to,  in  order  that  they  might 
learn  our  language,  and  communicate  to  us 
what  they  knew  respecting  the  country;  which 
plan  succeeded  excellently,  and  was  a  great 
advantage  to  us,  for  in  a  short  time,  either  by 
gestures  and  signs,  or  by  words,  we  were  en 
abled  to  understand  each  other.  These  men 
are  still  traveling  with  me,  and  although  they 
ha\*e  been  with  us  now  a  long  time,  they  con 
tinue  to  entertain  the  idea  that  I  have  descend 
ed  from  heaven;  and  on  our  arrival  at  any  new 
place  they  publish  this,  crying  out  immedi 
ately  with  a  loud  voice  to  the  other  Indians: 
"  Come;  come  and  look  upon  beings  of  a  celes 
tial  race;"  upon  which  both  women  and  men, 
children  and  adults,  young  men  and  old,  when 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  43 

they  got  rid  of  the  fear  they  at  first  entertain 
ed,  would  come  out  in  throngs,  crowding  the 
roads,  to  see  us,  some  bringing  food,  others 
drink,  with  astonishing  affection  and  kindness. 
Each  of  these  islands  has  a  great  number  of 
canoes,  built  of  wood,  narrow  and  not  unlike 
our  double-banked  boats  in  length  and  shape, 
but  swifter  in  their  motion;  they  steer  them 
only  by  the  oar.  These  canoes  are  of  various 
sizes,  but  the  greater  number  are  constructed 
with  eighteen  banks  of  oars,  and  with  these 
they  cross  to  the  other  islands,  which  are  of 
countless  number,  to  carry  on  traffic  with  the 
people.  I  saw  some  of  these  canoes  that  held 
as  many  as  seventy-eight  rowers.  In  all  these 
islands  there  is  no  difference  of  physiognomy, 
of  manners,  or  of  language,  but  they  all  clearly 
understand  each  other — a  circumstance  very 
propitious  for  the  realization  of  what  I  conceive 
to  be  the  principal  wish  of  our  most  serene 
King,  namely,  the  conversion  of  these  people 
to  the  holy  faith  of  Christ,  to  which,  indeed,  as 
far  as  I  can  judge,  they  are  very  favorable 
and  well  disposed.  I  said  before  that  I  went 


44  LETTER    TO 

three  hundred  and  twenty-two  miles  in  a  direct 
line  from  west  to  east,  along  the  coast  of  the 
island  of  Juana;  judging  by  which  voyage,  and 
the  length  of  the  passage,  I  can  assert  that  it 
is  larger  than  England  and  Scotland  united; 
for,  independent  of  the  said  three  hundred  and 
twenty-two  miles,  there  are  in  the  western 
part  of  the  island  twro  provinces  which  I  did 
not  visit;  one  of  these  is  called  by  the  Indians 
Anam,  and  its  inhabitants  are  born  with  tails. 
These  provinces  extend  to  a  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  miles  in  length,  as  I  have  learned  from  the 
Indians  whom  I  have  brought  with  me,  and 
who  are  well  acquainted  with  the  country.  But 
the  extent  of  Espaiiola  is  greater  than  all  Spain 
from  Catalonia  to  Fontarabia,  which  is  easily 
proved,  because  one  of  its  four  sides,  which  I 
myself  coasted  in  a  direct  line  from  west  to 
^ast,  measures  five  hundred  and  forty  miles. 
This  island  is  to  be  regarded  with  especial  in 
terest,  and  not  to  be  slighted;  for  although,  as 
I  have  said,  I  took  possession  of  all  of  these 
islands  in  the  name  of  our  invincible  King,  and 
the  government  of  them  is  unreservedly  com- 


UNI 


IFORHV 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  45 

mittcd  to  his  said  Majesty,  yet  there  was  one 
large  town  in  Espanola  of  which  especially  I 
took  possession,  situated  in  a  remarkably  fa 
vorable  spot,  and  in  every  way  convenient  for 
the  purposes  of  gain  and 'commerce.  To  this 
town  I  gave  the  name  of  Navidad  del  Senor, 
and  ordered  a  fortress  to  be  built  there,  which 
must  by  this  time  be  completed,  in  which  I 
left  as  many  men  as  I  thought  necessary,  with 
all  sorts  of  arms,  and  enough  provisions  for 
more  than  a  year.""  I  also  left  them  one  cara 
vel,!  and  skilful  workmen,  both  in  ship-build 
ing  and  other  arts,  and  engaged  the  favor  and 
friendship  of  the  King  of  the  islands  in  their 
behalf,  to  a  degree  that  would  not  be  believed, 
for  these  people  are  so  amiable  and  friendly 

*  This,  the  first  Spanish  attempt  to  colonize  the  New 
World,  resulted  only  in  failure.  On  the  return  of  Colum 
bus,  in  his  second  voyage,  he  found  that  quarrels  had 
arisen  with  the  natives,  and  the  Spaniards  had  been  entire 
ly  exterminated. 

f  This  is  not  clear.  The  Santa  Maria  was  wrecked 
among  the  islands,  was  taken  to  pieces,  and  used  to  build 
the  fortress  at  Navidad,  and  in  that  sense,  and  no  other, 
was  left  there.  The  Pinta  and  Nina  returned  to  Spain  in 
company. 


46  LETTER   TO 

that  even  the  King  took  a  pride  in  calling  me 
his  brother.  But  supposing  their  feelings 
should  become  changed,  and  they  should  wish 
to  injure  those  who  have  remained  in  the  fort 
ress,  they  could  not  do  so,  for  they  have  no 
arms,  they  go  naked,  and  are,  moreover,  too 
cowardly;  so  that  those  who  hold  the  said  fort 
ress  can  easily  keep  the  whole  island  in  check 
without  any  pressing  danger  to  themselves, 
provided  they  do  not  transgress  the  directions 
and  regulations  which  I  have  given  them.  As 
far  as  I  have  learned,  every  man  throughout 
these  islands  is  united  to  but  one  wife,  with  the 
exception  of  the  kings  and  princes,  who  are  al 
lowed  to  have  twenty:  the  women  seem  to 
work  more  than  the  men.  I  could  not  clearly 
understand  whether  the  people  possess  any 
private  property,  for  I  observed  that  one  man 
had  the  charge  of  distributing  various  things 
to  the  rest,  but  especially  meat  and  provisions, 
and  the  like.  I  did  not  find,  as  some  of  us  had 
expected,  any  cannibals  amongst  them,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  men  of  great  deference  and  kind 
ness.  Neither  are  they  black,  like  the  Ethio- 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  47 

pians:  their  hair  is  smooth  and  straight,  for 
they  do  not  dwell  where  the  rays  of  the  sun 
strike  most  vividly — and  the  sun  has  intense 
power  there,  the  distance  from  the  equinoctial 
line  being",  it  appears,  but  six-and-twenty  de 
grees.  On  the  tops  of  the  mountains  the  cold 
is  very  great,  but  the  effect  of  this  upon  the 
Indians  is  lessened  by  their  being  accustomed 
to  the  climate,  and  by  their  frequently  indulg 
ing  in  the  use  of  very  hot  meats  and  drinks. 
Thus,  as  I  have  already  said,  I  saw  no  canni 
bals,  nor  did  I  hear  of  any,  except  in  a  certain 
island  called  Charis,*  which  is  the  second 
from  Espanola,  on  the  side  towards  India, 
where  dwell  a  people  who  are  considered  by 
the  neighboring  islanders  as  most  ferocious: 
and  these  feed  upon  human  flesh.  The  same 
people  have  many  kinds  of  canoes,  in  which 
they  cross  to  all  the  surrounding  islands  and 
rob  and  plunder  wherever  they  can;  they  are 
not  different  from  other  islanders,  except  that 
they  wear  their  hair  long,  like  women,  and 
make  use  of  the  bows  and  javelins  of  cane, 

*  Probably  Carib,  the  Indian  name  for  Porto  Rico. 


48  LETTER    TO 

with  sharpened  spear  -  points  fixed  on  the 
thickest  end,  which  I  have  before  described, 
and  therefore  they  are  looked  upon  as  fero 
cious,  and  regarded  by  the  other  Indians  with 
unbounded  fear;  but  I  think  no  more  of  them 
than  of  the  rest.  These  are  the  men  who  form 
unions  with  certain  women  who  dwell  alone  in 
the  island  Matenin,  which  lies  next  to  Kspari- 
ola  on  the  side  towards  India;  these  latter  cm- 
ploy  themselves  in  no  labor  suitable  to  their 
own  sex,  for  they  use  bows  and  javelins  as  I 
have  already  described  their  paramours  as 
doing-,  and  for  defensive  armor  have  plates  of 
brass,  of  which  metal  they  possess  great  abun 
dance.  They  assure  me  that  there  is  another 
island  larger  than  Espariola,  whose  inhabitants 
have  no  hair,  and  which  abounds  in  gold  more 
than  any  of  the  rest.  I  bring  with  me  individ 
uals  of  this  island,  and  of  the  others  that  I  have 
seen,  who  are  proofs  of  the  facts  which  I  state. 
Finally,  to  compress  into  a  few  words  the  en 
tire  summary  of  my  voyage  and  speedy  return, 
and  of  the  advantages  derivable  therefrom,  I 
promise  that,  with  a  little  assistance  afforded 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  49 

me  by  our  most  invincible  Sovereigns,  I  will 
procure  them  as  much  gold  as  they  need,  as 
great  a  quantity  of  spices,  of  cotton,  and  of 
mastic  (which  is  only  found  in  Chios),  and  as 
many  men  for  the  service  of  the  navy  as  their 
Majesties  may  require.  I  promise,  also,  rhu 
barb  and  other  sorts  of  drugs,  which  I  am  per 
suaded  the  men  whom  I  have  left  in  the  afore 
said  fortress  have  found  already,  and  will 
continue  to  find;  for  I  myself  have  tarried  no 
where  longer  than  I  was  compelled  to  do  by 
the  winds,  except  in  the  city  of  Navidad,  while 
I  provided  for  the  building  of  the  fortress,  and 
took  the  necessary  precautions  for  the  perfect 
security  of  the  men  I  left  there.  Although  all 
I  have  related  may  appear  to  be  wonderful  and 
unheard  of,  yet  the  results  of  my  voyage  would 
have  been  more  astonishing  if  I  had  had  at  my 
disposal  such  ships  as  I  required.  But  these 
great  and  marvelous  results  are  not  to  be  at 
tributed  to  any  merit  of  mine,  but  to  the  holy 
Christian  faith,  and  to  the  piety  and  religion 
of  our  Sovereigns,  for  that  which  the  unaided 
intellect  of  man  could  not  compass,  the  spirit 


50  LETTER   TO 

of  God  has  granted  to  human  exertions,  for 
God  is  wont  to  hear  the  prayers  of  his  servants 
who  love  his  precepts,  even  to  the  performance 
of  apparent  impossibilities.  Thus  it  has  hap 
pened  to  me  in  the  present  instance,  who  have 
accomplished  a  task  to  which  the  powers  of 
mortal  men  had  never  hitherto  attained;  for  if 
there  have  been  those  who  have  anywhere 
written  or  spoken  of  these  islands,  they  have 
done  so  with  doubts  and  conjectures,  and  no 
one  has  ever  asserted  that  he  has  seen  them, 
on  which  account  their  writings  have  been 
looked  upon  as  little  else  than  fables.  There 
fore  let  the  King  and  Queen,  our  Princes  and 
their  most  happy  kingdoms,  and  all  the  other 
provinces  of  Christendom,  render  thanks  to 
our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  who  has 
granted  us  so  great  a  victory  and  such  pros 
perity.  Let  processions  be  made,  and  sacred 
feasts  be  held,  and  the  temples  be  adorned 
with  festive  boughs.  Let  Christ  rejoice  on 
earth,  as  he  rejoices  in  heaven,  in  the  prospect 
of  the  salvation  of  the  souls  of  so  many  nations 
hitherto  lost.  Let  us  also  rejoice,  as  well  on 


RAPHAEL    SANCHEZ  51 

account  of  the  exaltation  of  our  faith  as  on  ac 
count  of  the  increase  of  our  temporal  prosper 
ity,  of  which  not  only  Spain,  but  all  Christen 
dom  will  be  partakers. 

Such  are  the  events  which  I  have  briefly  de 
scribed.     Farewell. 

Lisbon,*  the  I4th  of  March. 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS, 
Admiral  of  the  Fleet  of  the  Ocean. 

*  The  date  is  one  day  after  his  leaving  Lisbon,  so  it  was 
probably  written  at  sea. 


52  LETTER   TO 


LETTER  TO  LUIS  DE  SANTANGEL* 

OENOR  :  Knowing  the  pleasure  you  will  re- 
^-^  ceive  in  hearing  of  the  great  victory  which 
our  Lord  has  granted  me  in  my  voyage,  I  hast 
en  to  inform  you,  that  after  a  passage  of  seven 
ty-one  days,  I  arrived  at  the  Indies,  with  the 
fleet  of  the  most  illustrious  King  and  Queen, 
our  Sovereigns,  committed  to  my  charge,  where 
I  discovered  many  islands,  inhabited  by  people 
without  number,  and  of  which  I  took  posses 
sion  for  their  Highnesses  by  proclamation  with 
the  royal  banner  displayed,  no  one  offering 
any  contradiction.  The  first  which  I  discov- 

*  This  letter  also  narrates  the  discoveries  of  the  first 
voyage,  and  largely  repeats  the  information  given  in  the 
letter  to  Sanchez,  ante.  Santangel  was  the  secretary  and 
steward  of  the  household  of  Aragon,  and  had  largely  sup- 
plied  the  money  for  the  expedition.  Ther  translation  is  by 
Samuel  Kettell,  printed  in  his  Personal  Narrative  of  the 
First  Voyage  of  Christopher  Columbus,  .  .  .  Boston,  1827. 
The  original  text  is  in  Navarrete's  Colccdon  de  los  Viages, 
.  .  .  Madrid,  1825. 


LUIS    DE   SANTANGEL  53 

ered  I  named  San  Salvador,  in  commemoration 
of  our  Jioly  Saviour,  who  has,  in  a  wonderful 
manner,  granted  all  our  success.  The  Indians 
call  it  Guanahani.  To  the  second  I  gave  the 
name  of  Santa  Maria  de  Concepcion,  to  the 
third  that  of  Fernandina,  to  the  fourth  that  of 
Isabella,  to  the  fifth  that  of  Juana;  thus  giving 
each  island  a  new  name.  I  coasted  along  the 
island  of  Juana  to  the  west,  and  found  it  of 
such  extent  that  I  took  it  for  a  continent,  and 
imagined  it  must  be  the  country  of  Cathay. 
Villages  were  seen  near  the  sea-coast,  but  as  I 
discovered  no  large  cities,  and  could  not  obtain 
any  communication  with  the  inhabitants,  who 
all  fled  at  our  approach,  I  continued  on  west, 
thinking  I  should  not  fail  in  the  end  to  meet 
with  great  towns  and  cities;  but  having  gone 
many  leagues  without  such  success,  and  find 
ing  that  the  coast  carried  me  to  the  north, 
whither  I  disliked  to  proceed  on  account  of 
the  impending  winter,  I  resolved  to  return  to 
the  south,  and  accordingly  put  about,  and  ar 
rived  at  an  excellent  harbor  in  the  island, 
where  I  dispatched  two  men  into  the  country 


54  LETTER    TO 

to  ascertain  whether  the  King- or  any  large  cit 
ies  were  in  the  neighborhood.  They  traveled 
three  days,  and  met  with  innumerable  settle 
ments  of  the  natives,  of  a  small  size,  but  did 
not  succeed  in  finding  any  sovereign  of  the 
territory,  and  so  returned.  I  made  out  to  learn 
from  some  Indians,  which  I  had  before  taken, 
that  this  was  an  island,  and  proceeded  along  the 
coast  to  the  east  an  hundred  and  seven  leagues, 
till  I  reached  the  extremity.  I  then  discovered 
another  island  east  of  this,  eighteen  leagues 
distant,  which  I  named  Espanola,  and  followed 
its  northern  coast,  as  I  did  that  of  Juana,  for  the 
space  of  an  hundred  and  seventy-eight  leagues 
to  the  east.  All  these  countries  are  of  surpassing 
excellence,  and  in  particular  Juana,  which  con 
tains  abundance  of  fine  harbors,  excelling  any  in 
Christendom,  as  also  many  large  and  beautiful 
rivers.  The  land  is  high,  and  exhibits  chains  of 
tall  mountains,  which  seem  to  reach  to  the  skies, 
and  surpass  beyond  comparison  the  isle  of 
Cetrefrey.  These  display  themselves  in  all 
manner  of  beautiful  shapes.  They  are  acces 
sible  in  every  part,  and  covered  with  a  vast 


LUIS    1)E   SANTANGEL  55 

variety  of  lofty  trees,  which  it  appears  to  me 
never  lose  their  foliage,  as  we  found  them  fair 
and  verdant  as  in  May  in  Spain.  Some  were 
covered  with  blossoms,  some  with  fruit,  and 
others  in  different  stages,  according  to  their 
nature.  The  nightingale  and  a  thousand  other 
sorts  of  birds  were  singing  in  the  month  of 
November  wherever  I  went.  There  are  palm- 
trees  in  these  countries,  of  six  or  eight  sorts, 
which  are  surprising  to  see,  on  account  of  their 
diversity  from  ours,  but,  indeed,  this  is  the 
case  with  respect  to  the  other  trees,  as  well  as 
the  fruits  and  weeds.  Beautiful  forests  of  pines 
are  likewise  found,  and  fields  of  vast  extent. 
Here  are  also  honey,  and  fruits  of  thousand  sorts, 
and  birds  of  every  variety.  The  lands  contain 
mines  of  metals,  and  inhabitants  without  num 
ber.  The  island  of  Espanola  is  preeminent  in 
beauty  and  excellence,  offering  to  the  sight 
the  most  enchanting  view  of  mountains, 
plains,  rich  fields  for  cultivation,  and  pastures 
for  flocks  of  all  sorts,  with  situations  for  towns 
and  settlements.  Its  harbors  are  of  such  ex 
cellence  that  their  description  would  not  gain 


LETTER   TO 

tef,  and  the  like  may  be  said  of  its  abund- 
(ce  of  large  and  fine  rivers,  the  most  of  which 
abound  in  gold.  The  trees,  fruits,  and  plants 
of  this  island  differ  considerably  from  those  of 
Juana,  and  the  place  contains  a  great  deal  of 
spicery,  and  extensive  mines  of  gold  and  other 
metals.  The  people  of  this  island,  and  of  all 
the  others  which  I  have  become  acquainted 
with,  go  naked  as  they  were  born,  although 
some  of  the  women  wear  at  the  loins  a  leaf  01- 
bit  of  cotton  cloth,  which  they  prepare  for 
that  purpose.  They  do  not  possess  iron,  steel, 
or  weapons,  and  seem  to  have  no  inclination 
for  the  latter,  being  timorous  to  the  last  de 
gree.  They  have  an  instrument  consisting  of 
a  cane,  taken  while  in  seed,  and  headed  with  a 
sharp  stick,  but  they  never  venture  to  use  it. 
Many  times  I  have  sent  two  or  three  men  to 
one  of  their  villages,  when  whole  multitudes 
have  taken  to  flight  at  the  sight  of  them,  and 
this  was  not  by  reason  of  any  injury  we  ever 
wrought  them,  for  at  every  place  where  I  have 
made  any  stay,  and  obtained  communication 
with  them,  I  have  made  them  presents  of  cloth 


LUIS   DE   SANTANGEL  57 

and  such  other  things  as  I  possessed,  without 
demanding  anything  in  return.  After  they 
have  shaken  off  their  fear  of  us,  they  display  a 
frankness  and  liberality  in  their  behavior  which 
no  one  would  believe  without  witnessing  it.  No 
request  of  anything  from  them  is  ever  refused, 
but  they  rather  invite  acceptance  of  what  they 
possess,  and  manifest  such  a  generosity  that 
they  would  give  away  their  own  hearts.  Let 
the  article  be  of  great  or  small  value,  they  offer 
it  readily,  and  receive  anything  which  is  ten 
dered  in  return  with  perfect  content.  I  forbade 
my  men  to  purchase  their  goods  with  such 
worthless  things  as  bits  of  platters  and  broken 
glass,  or  thongs  of  leather,  although  when  they 
got  possession  of  one  of  these,  they  estimated 
it  as  highly  as  the  greatest  jewel  in  the  world. 
The  sailors  would  buy  of  them  for  a  scrap  of 
leather  pieces  of  gold  weighing  two  castellanos 
and  a  half,  and  even  more  of  this  metal  for 
something  still  less  in  value.  The  whole  of  an 
Indian's  property  might  be  purchased  of  him 
for  a  few  blancas;  this  would  amount  to  two  or 
three  castellanos'  value  of  gold,  or  the  same  of 


[8  LETTER    TO 

cotton  thread.  Even  the  pieces  of  broken 
hoops  from  the  casks  they  would  receive  in 
barter  for  their  articles,  with  the  greatest  sim 
plicity.  I  thought  such  traffic  unjust,  and 
therefore  forbade  it.  I  presented  them  with  a 
variety  of  things,  in  order  to  secure  their  affec 
tion,  and  that  they  may  become  Christians, 
and  enter  into  the  services  of  their  Highnesses 
and  the  Castilian  nation,  and  also  aid  us  in 
procuring  such  things  as  they  possess,  and  we 
stand  in  need  of.  They  are  not  idolaters,  nor 
have  they  any  sort  of  religion,  except  believ 
ing  that  power  and  goodness  are  in  heaven, 
from  which  place  they  entertained  a  firm  per 
suasion  that  I  had  come  with  my  ships  and 
men.  On  this  account  wherever  we  met  them 
they  showed  us  the  greatest  reverence  after 
they  had  overcome  their  fear.  Such  conduct 
cannot  be  ascribed  to  their  want  of  understand 
ing,  for  they  are  a  people  of  much  ingenuity, 
and  navigate  all  those  seas,  giving  a  remark 
ably  good  account  of  every  part,  but  do  not 
state  that  they  have  met  with  people  in  clothes 
or  ships  like  ours.  On  my  arrival  at  the  Indies 


LUIS   DE   SANTANGEL  59 

I  took  by  force  from  the  first  island  I  came  to 
a  few  of  the  inhabitants,  in  order  that  they 
might  learn  our  language,  and  assist  us  in  our 
discoveries.  We  succeeded  ere  long  in  under 
standing  one  another  by  signs  and  words,  and 
I  have  them  now  with  me,  still  thinking  we 
have  come  from  heaven,  as  I  learn  by  much 
conversation  which  I  have  had  with  them. 
This  they  were  the  first  to  proclaim  wherever 
we  went,  and  the  other  natives  would  run  from 
house  to  house,  and  from  village  to  village, 
crying  out,  "  Come,  and  see  the  men  from 
heaven  !  "  so  that  all  the  inhabitants,  both  men 
and  women,  having  gathered  confidence,  hast 
ened  toward  us,  bringing  victuals  and  drink, 
which  they  presented  to  us  with  a  surprising 
good  will.  In  all  the  islands  they  possess  a 
vast  number  of  canoes,  which  are  of  various 
sizes,  each  one  constructed  of  a  single  log,  and 
shaped  like  a  fusta.  Some  of  these  are  as  large 
as  a  fusta  of  eighteen  oars,  although  narrow, 
on  account  of  the  material.  I  have  seen  sixty 
or  eighty  men  in  one  of  these  canoes,  and  each 
man  with  his  paddle.  They  are  rowed  with  a 


60  LETTER    TO 

swiftness  which  no  boat  can  equal,  and  serve 
the  purpose  of  transporting  goods  among  these 
innumerable  islands.  I  did  not  observe  any 
great  diversity  in  the  appearance  of  the  inhab 
itants  in  the  different  parts  of  these  countries, 
nor  in  their  customs  nor  language,  for  singu 
larly  enough  in  this  last  respect,  they  all  un 
derstand  one  another;  on  which  account  I 
hope  their  Highnesses  will  exert  themselves 
for  the  conversion  of  these  people  to  our  holy 
faith,  in  which  undertaking  they  will  be  found 
very  tractable.  I  have  already  related  that  I  pro 
ceeded  along  the  coast  of  Juana  for  an  hundred 
and  seven  leagues  from  west  to  east,  from  which 
I  dare  affirm  this  island  to  be  larger  than  Eng 
land  and  Scotland  together;  for,  besides  the  ex 
tent  of  it  which  I  coasted,  there  are  two  unex 
plored  provinces  to  the  west,  in  one  of  which, 
called  Cibau,  are  people  with  tails.  These  dis 
tricts  cannot  be  less  than  fifty  or  sixty  leagues  in 
extent,  according  as  I  learn  from  my  Indians, 
who  are  acquainted  with  all  these  islands.  The 
other  island,  called  Espanola,  is  more  extensive 
than  the  division  of  Spain  from  Corunna  to  Fon- 


LUIS   DE   SANTANGEL  6l 

tarabia,  as  I  traversed  one  side  of  it  for  the  dis 
tance  of  an  hundred  and  thirty-eight  leagues 
from  west  to  east.  This  is  a  most  beautiful  island, 
and  although  I  have  taken  possession  ofthem  all, 
in  the  name  of  their  Highnesses,  and  every  one 
remains  in  their  power,  and  as  much  at  their  dis 
posal  as  the  kingdoms  of  Castile,  and  although 
they  are  all  furnished  with  everything  that  can 
be  desired,  yet  the  preference  must  be  given  to 
Espanola,  on  account  of  the  mines  of  gold 
which  it  possesses,  and  the  facilities  it  offers 
for  trade  with  continents  and  countries  this  side 
and  beyond  that  of  the  GfeatTCjih,  which  traf 
fic  will  be  great  and  profrtaBlerThave  accord 
ingly  taken  possession  of  a  place,  which  I  named 
Villa  de  Navidad,  and  built  there  a  fortress 
which  is  at  present  complete,  and  furnished 
with  a  sufficiency  of  men  for  the  enterprise; 
with  these  I  have  left  arms,  ammunitions,  and 
provisions  for  more  than  a  year,  a  boat,  and 
expert  men  in  all  necessary  arts.  The  King  of 
the  country  has  shown  great  friendship  toward 
us,  and  held  himself  a  brother  to  me.  Even 
should  their  friendly  inclinations  change,  and 


62  LETTER    TO 

become  hostile,  yet  nothing-  can  be  feared  from 
them  as  they  are  totally  ignorant  in  the  world. 
The  small  number  of  men  whom  I  have  left 
there  would  be  sufficient  to  ravage  the  whole 
territory,  and  they  may  remain  there  with  per 
fect  safety,  taking  proper  care  of  themselves. 
In  all  the  islands,  as  far  as  I  could  observe,  the 
men  are  content  with  a  single  wife  each,  ex 
cept  that  a  chief  or  king  has  as  many  as  twen 
ty.  The  women  appear  to  do  more  work  than 
the  men,  and  as  to  their  property  I  have  been 
unable  to  learn  that  they  have  any  private 
possessions,  but  apparently  all  things  are  in 
common  among  them,  especially  provisions. 
In  none  of  the  islands  hitherto  visited  have  I 
found  any  people  of  monstrous  appearance, 
according  to  the  expectation  of  some,  but  the 
inhabitants  are  all  of  very  pleasing  aspect,  not 
resembling  the  blacks  of  Guinea,  as  their  hair 
is  straight,  and  their  color  lighter.  The  rays 
of  the  sun  are  here  very  powerful,  although  the 
latitude  is  twenty-six  degrees,  but  in  the  islands 
where  there  are  high  mountains  the  winter  is 
cold,  which  the  inhabitants  endure  from  habit, 


LUIS    DE   SANTANGEL  63 

and  the  use  of  hot  spices  with  their  food.  An 
island  situated  in  the  second  strait,  at  the  en 
trance  to  the  Indies,  is  peopled  with  inhabitants 
who  eat  live  flesh,  and  are  esteemed  very  fe 
rocious  in  all  the  other  parts.  They  possess 
many  canoes  with  which  they  scour  all  the  isl 
ands  of  India,  robbing-  and  capturing  all  they 
meet.  They  are  not  of  a  more  deformed  ap 
pearance  than  the  others,  except  that  they 
wear  their  hair  long  like  women,  and  use  bows 
and  arrows,  which  last  are  made  of  cane  and 
pointed  with  a  stick  for  want  of  iron,  which 
they  do  not  possess.  They  exchange  their 
wives,  and  although  these  are  esteemed  a  fierce 
people  among  the  neighboring  islands,  yet  I 
do  not  regard  them  more  than  the  others,  as 
the  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  regions  are 
very  great  cowards.  One  of  these  islands  is 
peopled  solely  by  women,  who  practise  no 
feminine  occupations,  but  exercise  the  bow  and 
arrow,  and  cover  themselves  with  plates  of 
copper,  which  metal  they  have  in  abundance. 
There  is  another  island,  as  I  am  assured,  larger 
than  Espariola,  in  which  the  inhabitants  are 


64  LETTER    TO 

without  hair,  and  which  contains  a  great  abun 
dance  of  gold.  In  confirmation  of  these  and 
other  accounts  I  have  brought  the  Indians 
along  with  me  for  testimonies.  In  conclusion, 
and  to  speak  only  of  what  I  have  performed: 
this  voyage  so  hastily  dispatched  will,  as  their 
Highnesses  may  see,  enable  any  desirable 
quantity  of  gold  to  be  obtained  by  a  very  small 
assistance  afforded  me  on  their  part.  At  pres 
ent  there  are  within  reach:  spices  and  cotton 
to  as  great  an  amount  as  they  can  desire;  aloe,  in 
a  great  abundance;  and  equal  store  of  mastic, 
a  production  nowhere  else  found  except  in 
Greece  and  the  island  of  Scio,  where  it  is  sold 
at  such  a  price  as  the  possessors  choose.  To 
these  may  be  added  slaves,  as  numerous  as 
may  be  wished  for.  Besides,  I  have,  as  I  think, 
discovered  rhubarb  and  cinnamon,  and  expect 
countless  other  things  of  value  will  be  found 
by  the  men  whom  I  left  there,  as  I  made  it  a 
point  not  to  stay  in  any  one  place  while  the 
wind  enabled  me  to  proceed  upon  the  voyage, 
except  at  Villa  de  Navidacl,  where  I  left  them 
well  established.  I  should  have  accomplished 


LUIS   DE    SANTANGEL  65 

much  more,  had  those  in  the  other  vessels  done 
their  duty.*  This  is  ever  certain,  that  God 
grants  to  those  that  walk  in  his  ways  the  per 
formance  of  things  which  seem  impossible,  and 
this  enterprise  might  in  a  signal  manner  have 
been  considered  so,  for  although  many  have 
talked  of  these  countries,  yet  it  has  been  noth 
ing  more  than  conjecture.  Our  Saviour  hav 
ing  vouchsafed  this  victory  to  our  most  illus 
trious  King  and  Queen  and  their  kingdoms, 
famous  for  so  eminent  a  deed,  all  Christendom 
should  rejoice  and  give  solemn  thanks  to  the 
holy  Trinity  for  the  addition  of  as  many  peo 
ple  to  our  holy  faith,  and  also  for  the  temporal 
profit  accruing  not  only  to  Spain,  but  to  all 
Christians. 

On  board  the  caravel,  t  off  the  Azores,  Feb 
ruary  1  5th,  1493. 


*  This  is  a  reference  to  the  commanders  of  the  Pinta  and 
Nina,  Pinzon  and  Yanez,  who  had  proved  unruly  and  in 
subordinate. 

f  The  Nina.  The  ship  had  just  outlived  a  furious  storm, 
in  which  destruction  seemed  so  imminent  that  Columbus 
and  his  crew  drew  lots  as  to  who  should  make  pilgrimages 
to  the  shrines  of  St.  Mary  of  Guadalupe  and  St.  Mary  of 


66  LETTER    TO 

P.  S.  After  writing  the  above,  being  at  sea 
near  Castile,  the  wind  rose  with  such  fury  from 
the  south  and  southeast  that  I  was  obliged  to 
bear  away,  and  run  into  the  port  of  Lisbon/2" 
where  I  escaped  by  the  greatest  miracle  in  the 
world.  From  this  place  I  shall  write  to  their 
Highnesses.  Throughout  the  Indies  I  always 
found  the  weather  like  May.  I  made  the  pas 
sage  thither  in  seventy-one  clays,  and  back  in 
forty-eight,  during  thirteen  of  which  number  I 
was  driven  about  by  storms.  The  seamen  here 
inform  me  that  there  was  never  known  a  win 
ter  in  which  so  many  ships  were  lost.t 

March  4th. 

Loretto;  and,  fearing  the  loss  of  the  fact  of  his  discovery, 
Columbus  wrote  an  account  of  it  on  parchment,  rolled  it  in 
waxed  cloth,  placed  it  in  a  wooden  cask,  and  threw  it  into 
the  sea. 

*  "When  I  was  driven  by  a  tempest  into  the  port  of  Lis 
bon  (having  lost  my  sails),  I  was  falsely  accused  (by  those 
at  court)  of  having  put  in  thither  with  the  intention  of  giv 
ing  the  Indies  to  the  Sovereign  of  that  country." 

f  Endorsed:  "This  letter  Columbus  sent  to  the  steward  of 
the  household  from  the  islands  discovered  in  the  Indies,  in 
another  to  their  Highnesses." 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  6/ 


LETTER  TO   FERDINAND  AND 
ISABELLA* 

A  /TOST  HIGH  AND  MIGHTY  SOVER- 
-*•»-••  EIGNS  :  In  obedience  to  your  High- 
nesses'  commands,  and  with  submission  to  su 
perior  judgment,  I  will  say  whatever  occurs  to 
me  in  reference  to  the  colonization  and  com 
merce  of  the  island  of  Espariola,  and  of  the 
other  islands,  both  those  already  discovered 
and  those  that  may  be  discovered  hereafter. 

In  the  first  place,  as  regards  the  island  of 
Espanola :  Inasmuch  as  the  number  of  colo 
nists  who  desire  to  go  thither  amounts  to  two 

*This  letter  has  been  assigned  to  the  year  1497,  but  the 
internal  evidence  indicates  that  it  was  written  before  Colum 
bus  sailed  on  his  second  voyage,  as  the  number  of  colo 
nists  he  speaks  of  as  wishing  to  go  agrees  with  the  state 
ments  as  to  the  size  of  the  second  expedition.  This  fixes 
the  date  between  July  ist  and  September  25,  1493.  It  is 
thus  the  first  suggestion  of  a  code  of  American  laws.  The 
translation  is  by  George  Dexter,  printed  in  the  Proceedings 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Vol.  XVI.  The  orig 
inal  text  is  in  the  Cartas  dc  Indias,  .  .  .  Madrid,  1877. 


68  LETTER    TO 

thousand,  owing  to  the  land  being  safer  and 
better  for  farming  and  trading,  and  because  it 
will  serve  as  a  place  to  which  they  can  return 
and  from  which  they  can  carry  on  trade  with 
the  neighboring  islands  : 

Item.  That  in  the  said  island  there  shall 
be  founded  three  or  four  towns,  situated  in  the 
most  convenient  places,  and  that  the  settlers 
who  are  there  be  assigned  to  the  aforesaid 
places  and  towns. 

Item.  That  for  the  better  and  more  speedy 
colonization  of  the  said  island,  no  one  shall 
have  liberty  to  collect  gold  in  it  except  those 
who  have  taken  out  colonists'  papers*  and 
have  built  houses  for  their  abode,  in  the  town 
in  which  they  are,  that  they  may  live  united 
and  in  greater  safety. 

Item.  That  each  town  shall  have  its  alcalde 
or  alcaldes,  and  its  notary  public,  as  is  the  use 
and  custom  in  Castile. 

Item.  That  there  shall  be  a  church,  and 
parish  priests  or  friars  to  administer  the  sacra- 

*  Spanish:  toniaren  vetjindad. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  69 

ments,  to  perform  divine  worship,  and  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians. 

Item.  That  none  of  the  colonists  shall  go 
to  seek  gold  without  a  license  from  the  gov 
ernor  or  alcalde  of  the  town  where  he  lives; 
and  that  he  must  first  take  oath  to  return  to 
the  place  whence  he  sets  out,  for  the  purpose 
of  registering  faithfully  all  the  gold  he  may 
have  found,  and  to  return  once  a  month,  or 
once  a  week,  as  the  time  may  have  been  set 
for  him,  to  render  account  and  show  the  quan 
tity  of  said  gold;  and  that  this  shall  be  writ 
ten,  done  by  the  notary  before  the  alcalde, 
or,  if  it  seems  better,  that  a  friar  or  priest, 
deputed  for  the  purpose,  shall  also  be  pres 
ent. 

Item.  That  the  gold  thus  brought  in  shall 
be  smelted  immediately,  and  stamped  with 
some  mark  that  shall  distinguish  each  town; 
and  that  the  portion  which  belongs  to  your 
Highnesses  shall  be  weighed,  and  given  and 
consigned  to  each  alcalde  in  his  own  town,  and 
registered  by  the  above-mentioned  priest  or 
friar,  so  that  it  shall  not  pass  through  the 


70  LETTER    TO 

hands  of  only  one  person,  and  there  shall  be 
no  opportunity  to  conceal  the  truth. 

Item.  That  all  gold  that  may  be  found 
without  the  mark  of  one  of  the  said  towns  in 
the  possession  of  any  one  who  has  once  regis 
tered  in  accordance  with  the  above  order, 
shall  be  taken  as  forfeited,  and  that  the  ac 
cuser  shall  have  one  portion  of  it  and  your 
Highnesses  the  other. 

Item.  That  one  per  centum  of  all  the  gold 
that  may  be  found  shall  be  set  aside  for  build 
ing  churches  and  adorning  the  same,  and  for 
the  support  of  the  priests  or  friars  belonging 
to  them;  and,  if  it  should  be  thought  proper 
to  pay  any  thing  to  the  alcaldes  or  notaries  for 
their  services,  or  for  ensuring  the  faithful  per 
formance  of  their  duties,  that  this  amount 
shall  be  sent  to  the  governor  or  treasurer 
who  may  be  appointed  there  by  your  High 
nesses. 

Item.  As  regards  the  division  of  the  gold, 
and  the  share  that  ought  to  be  reserved  for 
your  Highnesses,  this,  in  my  opinion,  must  be 
left  to  the  aforesaid  governor  and  treasurer, 


FERDINAND    AND     ISABELLA  J\ 

because  it  will  have  to  be  greater  or  less,  ac 
cording  to  the  quantity  of  gold  that  may  be 
found.  Or,  should  it  seem  preferable,  your 
Highnesses  might,  for  the  space  of  one  year, 
take  one-half,  and  the  collector  the  other,  and 
a  better  arrangement  for  the  division  be  made 
afterward. 

Item.  That  if  the  said  alcaldes  or  notaries 
shall  commit  or  be  privy  to  any  fraud,  punish 
ment  shall  be  provided,  and  the  same  for  the 
colonists  who  shall  not  have  declared  all  the 
gold  they  have. 

Item.  That  in  the  said  island  there  shall 
be  a  treasurer,  with  a  clerk  to  assist  him,  who 
shall  receive  all  the  gold  belonging  to  your 
Highnesses,  and  the  alcaldes  and  notaries  of 
the  towns  shall  each  keep  a  record  of  what  they 
deliver  to  the  said  treasurer. 

Item.  As,  in  the  eagerness  to  get  gold, 
every  one  will  wish,  naturally,  to  engage  in  its 
search  in  preference  to  any  other  employment, 
it  seems  to  me  that  the  privilege  of  going  to 
look  for  gold  ought  to  be  withheld  during 
some  portion  of  each  year,  that  there  may  be 


/2  LETTER    TO 

opportunity  to  have  the  other  business  neces 
sary  for  the  island  performed. 

Item.  In  regard  to  the  discovery  of  new 
countries,  I  think  permission  should  be  grant 
ed  to  all  that  wish  to  go,  and  more  liberality 
used  in  the  matter  of  the  fifth,  making  the  tax 
easier,  in  some  fair  way,  in  order  that  many 
may  be  disposed  to  go  on  voyage. 

I  will  now  give  my  opinion  about  ships  go 
ing  to  the  said  island  of  Espafiola,  and  the 
order  that  should  be  maintained;  and  that  is, 
that  the  said  ships  should  only  be  allowed  to 
discharge  in  one  or  two  ports  designated  for 
the  purpose,  and  should  register  there  what 
ever  cargo  they  bring  or  unload;  and  when 
the  time  for  their  departure  comes,  that  they 
should  sail  from  these  same  ports,  and  register 
all  the  cargo  they  take  in,  that  nothing  may 
be  concealed. 

Item.  In  reference  to  the  transportation  of 
gold  from  the  island  to  Castile,  that  all  of  it 
should  be  taken  on  board  the  ship,  both  that 
belonging  to  your  Highnesses  and  the  proper 
ty  of  every  one  else  ;  that  it  should  all  be 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  73 

placed  in  one  chest  with  two  locks,  with  their 
keys,  and  that  the  master  of  the  vessel  keep 
one  key  and  some  person  selected  by  the  gov 
ernor  and  treasurer  the  other ;  that  there 
should  come  with  the  gold,  for  a  testimony,  a 
list  of  all  that  has  been  put  into  the  said  chest, 
properly  marked,  so  that  each  owner  may  re 
ceive  his  own  ;  and  that,  for  the  faithful  per 
formance  of  this  duty,  if  any  gold  whatsoever 
is  found  outside  of  the  said  chest  in  any  way, 
be  it  little  or  much,  it  shall  be  forfeited  to  your 
Highnesses. 

Item.  That  all  the  ships  that  come  from 
the  said  island  shall  be  obliged  to  make  their 
proper  discharge  in  the  port  of  Cadiz,  and  that 
no  person  shall  disembark  or  other  person  be 
permitted  to  go  on  board  until  the  ship  has 
been  visited  by  the  person  or  persons  deputed 
for  that  purpose,  in  the  said  city,  by  your 
Highnesses,  to  whom  the  master  shall  show 
all  that  he  carries,  and  exhibit  the  manifest  of 
all  the  cargo,  that  it  may  be  seen  and  exam 
ined  if  the  said  ship  brings  any  thing  hidden 
and  not  known  at  the  time  of  lading. 


74      LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA 

Item.  That  the  chest  in  which  the  said 
gold  has  been  carried  shall  be  opened  in  the 
presence  of  the  magistrates  of  the  said  city  of 
Caciiz,  and  of  the  person  deputed  for  that  pur 
pose  by  your  Highnesses,  and  his  own  prop 
erty  be  given  to  each  owner.  I  beg  your 
Highnesses  to  hold  me  in  your  protection ; 
and  I  remain,  praying  our  Lord  God  for  your 
Highnesses'  lives  and  the  increase  of  much 

greater  States, 

S. 

S.  A.  S. 
X  M  Y 
Xpo  FERENS.* 

*A  custom  in  Spain  was  to  connect  some  pious  supplica 
tion  with  signatures,  and  such  unquestionably  is  the  mean 
ing  of  the  prefatory  initials  that  Columbus  placed  before 
the  curious  hybrid  Greek-Latin  letters  which  he  used  as  a 
signature.  Their  exact  meaning  is  doubtful,  but  the  most 
probable  explanation  is,  ''Salve  me  Xristns,  J\Iaria,  Yosc- 
/>/itis."  See  also  in  this  connection,  the  Deed  of  Entail, 
post. 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS  75 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS* 

This  declares  that  what  follows  belongs,  and  should  and 
ought  to  belong  to  the  Admiral,  Viceroy  and  Governor 
of  the  Indies,  for  the  King  and  Queen,  our  Lords. 

A  CCORDING  to  the  capitulation  entered 
•**•  into  with  their  Highnesses,  and  signed 
with  their  royal  names,  it  appears  very  clearly 
that  their  Highnesses  permit  and  grant  to  the 
said  Admiral  of  the  Indies,  all  the  preemi 
nences  and  prerogatives  which  the  Admiral  of 
Castile  holds  and  enjoys  ;  to  whom,  in  right  of 

*  Before  sailing  on  his  first  voyage  Columbus  entered 
into  stipulations  with  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  (printed  in 
Kettelt),  in  which  certain  "recompense"  in  the  shape  of 
rights,  titles,  offices,  and  a  percentage  of  all  "goods,  mer 
chandise,  pearls,  precious  stones,  gold,  silver,  spices,  and 
all  other  articles,"  were  granted  him.  Disputes  arose  con 
cerning  the  extent  of  these,  and  so  this  argument  was  pre 
pared  to  prove  his  asserted  rights.  From  two  papers 
printed  in  Memorials  of  Columbus  (pp.  67—72),  it  seems 
probable  that  it  was  written  in  1497.  A  second  and  longer 
argument  is  printed  in  this  volume,/^/.  The  translation 
is  taken  from  Memorials  of  Columbus,  .  .  .  London,  1823. 
The  original  text  is  in  Codice  Diplomatico  Colombo-Amer 
icano,  ,  .  .  Genova,  1823. 


76  PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS 

his  privilege,  it  is  known  that  the  third  part 
of  whatever  he  shall  gain,  belongs:  and  con 
sequently  the  Admiral  of  the  Indies  is  entitled 
to  the  third  part  of  whatever  he  has  acquired 
of  the  islands  and  mainland  which  he  has 
discovered  and  may  discover;  and  likewise  he 
is  to  have  the  tenth  and  the  eighth,  as  appears 
from  the  third  and  fifth  article  of  the  aforesaid 
capitulation. 

And  if  it  should  be  argued  that  the  third 
part  granted  to  the  Admiral  of  Castile  is  to  be 
understood  as  relating  to  movables,  which  he 
might  acquire  by  sea  ;  whereas  the  said  islands 
being  mainland,  although  acquired  by  sea, 
the  third  part  of  them  cannot  belong  to  the 
Admiral,  in  consequence  of  their  being  im 
movable  : 

To  this  the  said  Admiral  replies,  by  saying 
that  it  is  to  be  observed  that,  in  the  aforesaid 
capitulation,  the  said  Admiral  of  Castile  is 
nominated  Admiral  of  the  sea  :  and  on  that 
account  the  third  part  of  whatever  he  may  ac 
quire  by  sea  is  granted  to  him,  no  jurisdiction 
nor  office  being  granted  to  him  in  any  other 


^ 


PRIVILEGES    OF    COLUMBUS  77 

part  whatsoever  ;  and  it  would  be  very  im 
proper  and  unreasonable  to  grant  him  a  part 
of  what  is  not  within  his  jurisdiction,  it  being  a 
general  maxim  that  propter  officinm  datur 
bciicficiuin,  because  the  benefit  has  and  ought 
to  have  a  connection  with  the  office,  and  not 
out  of  it.  But  the  Admiral  of  the  Indies  was 
constituted  and  nominated,  according  to  the 
tenor  of  the  aforesaid  capitulation,  Admiral, 
not  of  the  sea,  but  expressly  of  the  Indies  and 
of  the  mainland,  which  he  has  acquired  in  exe 
cuting  and  discharging  the  said  office  of  Ad 
miral  :  and  thus  is  to  be  understood  and  inter 
preted  the  privilege  of  the  said  Admiral  of  Cas 
tile,  and  the  article  which  refers  to  it  ;  it  being 
sufficiently  manifest  that  every  thing  is  to  be 
understood  secuuditui  subjcctam  materiam,  et 
secundum  qnalitatem  personarum;  for  by  in 
terpreting  them  otherwise,  the  said  privilege 
and  article  would  be  of  no  utility  to  the  afore 
said  Admiral  of  the  Indies  ;  for  if  he  does  not 
take  the  third  of  the  aforesaid  Indies,  of  which 
he  is  Admiral,  as  he  has  not  been  constituted 
Admiral  of  the  sea,  he  ought  not  even  to  take 


/S  PRIVILEGES   OE   COLUMBUS 

what  he  might  gain  by  the  sea,  on  account  of 
its  being  out  of  his  jurisdiction  and  office,  so 
that  the  said  article  and  constitution  would  be 
of  no  avail  to  him  ;  and  such  a  thing  is  not  to 
be  asserted,  for  whatever  expression  is  intro 
duced  into  a  contract  must  have  its  full  force, 
and  not  be  regarded  as  superfluous  :  how  much 
more  so  in  a  case  like  this,  of  so  much  impor 
tance,  utility,  and  glory  to  their  Highnesses, 
obtained  at  a  very  small  expense,  and  without 
any  peril  to  their  honor,  persons,  or  property, 
but  with  considerable  peril,  as  was  well  known, 
to  the  life  of,  and  not  without  heavy  expense 
to,  the  Admiral  ?  For  which  reason  the  tenth 
part  only  must  be  looked  upon  as  very  trifling 
(no  mention  being  made  of  the  eighth,  because 
this  belongs  to  him  as  his  proportion),  and  so 
very  small  part  for  so  great  a  service  would  be 
a  recompense  indeed  inconsiderable.  And  the 
remark  of  the  divine  laws  is  here  very  appo 
site,  quia  beneficia  Priiicipnm  sunt  latissimc 
interpretanda.  And,  moreover,  favors  confer 
red  by  Princes  ought  to  be  understood  in  the 
most  ample  and  complete  sense;  more  espe- 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS  79 

cially  by  the  most  high  and  renowned  Princes, 
such  as  their  Highnesses  are,  from  whom, 
more  than  from  all  other  persons,  the  most 
ample  favors  are  to  be  expected.  And  there 
fore  the  said  third  part,  although  it  appears 
very  small,  belongs  to  the  aforesaid  Admiral  : 
for  we  observe,  in  companies  formed  by  mer 
chants,  that  the  industry  and  foresight  of  one 
partner  are  looked  upon  and  held  to  be  upon 
an  equal  footing  with  the  money  of  another, 
and  an  equal  share  belongs  to  him  of  the  gains 
resulting,  although  obtained  by  the  money  of 
the  other  :  how  much  more  ought  this  to  be 
the  case  of  the  Admiral,  who  displayed  aston 
ishing  and  incredible  industry,  and  was  ex 
posed  to  great  labor  and  peril  in  his  own  per 
son,  brothers  and  family  ?  Therefore,  with  so 
much  the  more  reason  he  ought  to  have  the 
third  of  all,  as  was  really  the  intention  of  their 
Highnesses.  And  that  such  is  truly  the  mean 
ing,  we  see  by  this,  that  their  Highnesses 
grant  to  such  as  go  to  the  Indies  five  parts 
out  of  six,  and  to  others,  four  parts  out  of  five, 
and  the  administration  of  the  land,  without 


80  PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS 

any  peril,  the  road  being  now  open,  secure 
and  made  known  to  every  body.  And  in  con 
firmation  of  what  I  say,  as  is  expressed  in 
many  privileges  of  the  said  Admiral  of  the 
Indies,  the  said  Admiral  went  by  command  of 
their  Highnesses  to  acquire,  not  ships,  or  ves 
sels,  or  any  other  thing  of  the  sea,  but  express 
ly  islands  and  the  mainland,  as  is  specifically 
mentioned  in  the  privilege  (which  might  be 
more  properly  called  a  grace),  at  the  begin 
ning,  where  it  is  thus  declared:  "and  because 
you,  Christopher  Columbus,  go  by  our  com 
mand  to  discover  and  acquire  islands  and  the 
mainland,"  &c.  Now  if  the  whole  acquisition 
was  to  be  islands  and  mainland,  it  is  a  neces 
sary  consequence  that  the  third  part  must  be 
of  what  has  been  acquired ;  and  being  the 
third  part  of  the  acquisition,  it  is  notorious 
that  the  third  part  of  the  islands  and  mainland 
acquired  belongs  to  the  said  Admiral :  and 
certainly  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that,  if  in 
the  beginning  the  aforesaid  Admiral  had  de 
manded  a  greater  part,  it  would  have  been 
granted  to  him,  the  whole  of  such  acquisition 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS  8l 

being-  made  by  him,  a  thing  of  which  nobody 
had  any  hope  or  expectation,  and  which  was 
far  beyond  the  knowledge  and  dominion  of 
their  Highnesses.  This,  then,  is  a  complete 
and  distinct  answer  to  those  who  assert  the 
contrary  ;  and  the  third  part  of  the  said  Indies 
and  mainland  justly  and  clearly  appears  to  be 
long  to  the  said  Admiral. 

That  of  the  tenth  is  very  clear.  With  re 
spect  to  the  eighth,  although  it  be  equally 
clear,  I  wish  to  observe  : 

If  it  be  asserted  against  him,  that  he  is  not 
to  have  the  said  eighth  of  the  merchandise  and 
articles  conveyed  and  exported  in  the  vessels 
which  went  for  discovery,  to  those  which  went 
to  the  pearl  fishery,  and  to  other  parts  of  this 
Admiralty,  whilst  he  remained  in  the  island  of 
Espariola  upon  the  service  of  their  High 
nesses,  because  he  contributed  nothing  toward 
their  equipment ;  it  is  answered  that  the  equip 
ment  of  such  vessels  was  not  notified  to  him, 
nor  was  he  called  upon  or  informed  of  it  at  the 
time  of  their  departure  :  and,  therefore,  as  by 
law,  to  the  ignorant,  who  can  prove  ignorance 


82  PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS 

of  any  fact,  no  time  elapses,  but  on  the  con 
trary  such  plea  undoubtedly  grants  a  legiti 
mate  excuse,  and  even  complete  restitution  ; 
therefore,  in  the  actual  case  it  should  be  under 
stood  and  declared,  that  the  Admiral  per 
formed  his  part  by  offering  to  contribute  his 
part  to  the  present:  nor  can  he  be  blamed, 
but  rather  those  who  did  not  notify  to  him, 
what  it  was  their  duty  to  do,  &c. 


DEED   OF   ENTAIL  83 


DEED   OF   ENTAIL* 

T  N  the  name  of  the  most  holy  Trinity,  who 
•*•  inspired  me  with  the  idea,  and  afterward 
made  it  perfectly  clear  to  me,  that  I  could 
navigate  and  go  to  the  Indies  from  Spain,  by 
traversing  the  ocean  westwardly ;  which  I 
communicated  to  the  King,  Don  Ferdinand, 
and  to  the  Queen,  Dona  Isabella,  our  sove 
reigns  ;  and  they  were  pleased  to  furnish  me 
the  necessary  equipment  of  men  and  ships, 
and  to  make  me  their  Admiral  over  the  said 
ocean,  in  all  parts  lying  to  the  west  of  an  imag 
inary  line,  drawn  from  pole  to  pole,  a  hundred 
leagues  west  of  the  Cape  de  Verd  and  Azore 
Islands;  also  appointing  me  their  Viceroy  and 
Governor  over  all  continents  and  islands  that  I 

*  Spanish:  Institution  del  Mayorazgos.  It  was  written 
February  22,  1498,  before  Columbus  sailed  on  his  third 
voyage.  The  translation  is  by  Washington  Irving,  and  is 
printed  in  his  Life  and  Voyages  of  Columbus,  .  .  .  New 
York,  1828,  where,  by  a  curious  error,  it  is  given  as  the 
will  of  Columbus.  The  original  text  is  in  Navarrete's 
Coleccion  de  los  Viages,  .  .  .  Madrid,  1825. 


* 

-" 


84  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

might  discover  beyond  the  said  line  westward- 
ly  ;  with  the  right  of  being  succeeded  in  the 
said  offices  by  my  eldest  son  and  his  heirs  for 
ever  ;  and  a  grant  of  the  tenth  part  of  all  things 
found  in  the  said  jurisdiction  ;  and  of  all  rents 
and  revenues  arising  from  it ;  and  the  eighth 
of  all  the  lands  and  every  thing  else,  together 
with  the  salary  corresponding  to  my  rank  of 
Admiral,  Viceroy,  and  Governor,  and  all  other 
emoluments  accruing  thereto,  as  is  more  fully 
expressed  in  the  title  and  agreement  sanctioned 
by  their  Highnesses. 

And  it  pleased  the  Lord  Almighty,  that  in 
the  year  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety- 
two,  I  should  discover  the  continent  of  the 
Indias  and  many  islands,  among  them  Es- 
pafiola,  which  the  Indians  call  Ayte,  and  the 
Monicongos,  Cipango.  I  then  returned  to 
Castile  to  their  Highnesses,  who  approved  of 
my  undertaking  a  second  enterprise  for  farther 
discoveries  and  settlements ;  and  the  Lord 
gave  me  victory  over  the  island  of  Kspariola, 
which  extends  six  hundred  leagues,  and  I  con 
quered  it  and  made  it  tributary  ;  and  I  discov- 


DEED    OF    ENTAIL  85 

ered  many  islands  inhabited  by  cannibals, 
and  seven  hundred  to  the  west  of  Espariola, 
among  which  is  Jamaica,  which  we  call  Santi 
ago  ;  and  three  hundred  and  thirty  -  three 
leagues  of  continent  from  south  to  west,  besides 
a  hundred  and  seven  to  the  north,  which  I  dis 
covered  in  my  first  voyage ;  together  with 
many  islands,  as  may  more  clearly  be  seen  by 
my  letters,  memorials,  and  maritime  charts. 
And  as  we  hope  in  God  that  before  long  a 
good  and  great  revenue  will  be  derived  from 
the  above  islands  and  continent,  of  which,  for 
the  reasons  aforesaid,  belong  to  me  the  tenth 
and  the  eighth,  with  the  salaries  and  emolu 
ments  specified  above ;  and  considering  that 
we  are  mortal,  and  that  it  is  proper  for  every 
one  to  settle  his  affairs,  and  to  leave  declared 
to  his  heirs  and  successors  the  property  he 
possesses  or  may  have  a  right  to  :  Wherefore 
I  have  concluded  to  create  an  entailed  estate 
(inayorazgd)  out  of  the  said  eighth  of  the  lands, 
places  and  revenues,  in  the  manner  which  I 
now  proceed  to  state  : 

In  the  first  place,  I  am  to  be  succeeded  by 


86  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

Don  Diego,  my  son,  who  in  case  of  death  with 
out  children  is  to  be  succeeded  by  my  other 
son,  Ferdinand ;  and  should  God  dispose  of 
him  also  without  leaving  children,  and  without 
my  having  any  other  son,  then  my  brother, 
Don  Bartholomew,  is  to  succeed  ;  and  after 
him  his  eldest  son  ;  and  if  God  should  dispose 
of  him  without  heirs,  he  shall  be  succeeded  by 
his  sons  from  one  to  another  for  ever  ;  or,  in 
the  failure  of  a  son,  to  be  succeeded  by  Don 
Ferdinand,  after  the  same  manner,  from  son  to 
son  successively ;  or  in  their  place  by  my 
brothers  Bartholomew  and  Diego.  And 
should  it  please  the  Lord  that  the  estate, 
after  having  continued  some  time  in  the  line 
of  any  of  the  above  successors,  should  stand  in 
need  of  an  immediate  and  lawful  male  heir,  the 
succession  shall  then  devolve  to  the  nearest 
relation,  being  a  man  of  legitimate  birth,  and 
bearing  the  name  of  Columbus  derived  from 
his  father  and  his  ancestors.  This  entailed 
estate  shall  in  nowise  be  inherited  by  a  wo 
man,  except  in  case  that  no  male  is  to  be 
found,  either  in  this  or  any  other  quarter  of  the 


DEED   OF   ENTAIL  87 

world,  of  my  real  lineage,  whose  name,  as 
well  as  that  of  his  ancestors,  shall  have  always 
been  Columbus.  In  such  an  event  (which  may 
God  forefend),  then  the  female  of  legitimate 
birth  most  nearly  related  to  the  preceding 
possessor  of  the  estate,  shall  succeed  to  it ; 
and  this  is  to  be  under  the  conditions  herein 
stipulated  at  foot,  which  must  be  understood 
to  extend  as  well  to  Don  Diego,  my  son,  as  to 
the  aforesaid  and  their  heirs,  every  one  of  them, 
to  be  fulfilled  by  them  ;  and  failing  to  do  so 
they  are  to  be  deprived  of  the  succession  for 
not  having  complied  with  what  shall  herein  be 
expressed  ;  and  the  estate  to  pass  to  the  per 
son  most  nearly  related  to  the  one  who  held 
the  right :  and  the  person  thus  succeeding  shall 
in  like  manner  forfeit  the  estate,  should  he  also 
fail  to  comply  with  said  conditions  ;  and  an 
other  person,  the  nearest  of  my  lineage,  shall 
succeed,  provided  he  abide  by  them,  so  that 
they  may  be  observed  for  ever  in  the  form  pre 
scribed.  This  forfeiture  is  not  to  be  incurred 
for  trifling  matters,  originating  in  lawsuits,  but 
in  important  cases,  when  the  glory  of  God,  or 


88  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

my  own,  or  that  of  my  family,  may  be  con 
cerned,  which  supposes  a  perfect  fulfilment  of 
all  the  things  hereby  ordained ;  all  which  I 
recommend  to  the  courts  of  justice.  And  I 
supplicate  his  Holiness,  who  no\v  is,  and  those 
that  may  succeed  in  the  holy  Church,  that  if  it 
should  happen  that  this,  my  will  and  testa 
ment,  has  need  of  his  holy  order  and  command 
for  its  fulfilment,  that  such  order  be  issued  in 
virtue  of  obedience,  and  under  penalty  of  ex 
communication,  and  that  it  shall  not  be  in  any 
wise  disfigured.  And  I  also  pray  the  King  and 
Queen,  our  sovereigns,  and  their  eldest-born, 
Prince  Don  Juan,  our  lord,  and  their  succes 
sors,  for  the  sake  of  the  services  I  have  done 
them,  and  because  it  is  just,  and  that  it  may 
please  them  not  to  permit  this  my  will  and 
constitution  of  my  entailed  estate  to  be  any 
way  altered,  but  to  leave  it  in  the  form  and 
manner  which  I  have  ordained,  for  ever,  for 
the  greater  glory  of  the  Almighty,  and  that  it 
may  be  the  root  and  basis  of  my  lineage,  and 
a  memento  of  the  services  I  have  rendered  their 
Highnesses;  that,  being  born  in  Genoa,  I  came 


DEED    OF   ENTAIL  89 

over  to  serve  them  in  Castile,  and  discovered, 
to  the  west  of  terra  firma,  the  Indias  and  isl 
ands  before  mentioned.  I  accordingly  pray 
their  Highnesses  to  order  that  this,  my  privi 
lege  and  testament,  be  held  valid,  and  be  exe 
cuted  summarily,  and  without  any  opposition 
or  demur,  according  to  the  letter.  I  also  pray 
the  grandees  of  the  realm,  and  the  lords  of  the 
council,  and  all  others  having  administration 
of  justice,  to  be  pleased  not  to  suffer  this  my 
will  aiid_testament  to  be  of  no  avail,  but  to 
cause  it  to  be  fulfilled  as  by  me  ordained  ;  it 
being  just  that  a  noble,  who  has  served  the 
King  and  Queen,  and  the  kingdom,  should  be 
respected  in  the  disposition  of  his  estate  by 
will,  testament,  institution  of  entail  or  inherit 
ance,  and  that  the  same  be  not  infringed  either 
in  whole  or  in  part. 

In  the  first  place,  my  son  Don  Diego,  and  all 
my  successors  and  descendants,  as  well  as  my 
brothers  Bartholomew  and  Diego,  shall  bear 
my  arms,  such  as  I  shall  leave  them  after  my 
days,  without  inserting  any  thing  else  in  them  ; 
and  they  shall  be  their  seal  to  seal  withal. 


90  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

Don  Diego  my  son,  or  any  other  who  may  in 
herit  this  estate,  on  coming  into  possession  of 
the  inheritance,  shall  sign  with  the  signature 
which  I  now  make  use  of,  which  is  an  X  with 
an  S  over  it,  and  an  M  with  a  Roman  A  over 
it,  and  over  that  an  S,  and  then  a  Greek  Y, 
with  an  S  over  it,  with  its  lines  and  points  as 
is  my  custom,  as  may  be  seen  by  my  signa 
tures,  of  which  there  are  many,  and  it  will  be 
seen  by  the  present  one. 

He  shall  only  write  "the  Admiral,"  what 
ever  other  titles  the  King  may  have  conferred 
on  him.  This  is  to  be  understood  as  respects 
his  signature,  but  not  the  enumeration  of  his 
titles,  which  he  can  make  at  full  length  if  agree 
able,  only  the  signature  is  to  be  "the  Admiral." 

The  said  Don  Diego,  or  any  other  inheritor 
of  this  estate,  shall  possess  my  offices  of  Ad 
miral  of  the  ocean,  which  is  to  the  west  of  an 
imaginary  line,  which  his  Highness  ordered  to 
be  drawn,  running  from  pole  to  pole  a  hundred 
leagues  beyond  the  Azores,  and  as  many  more 
beyond  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands,  over  all 
which  I  was  made,  by  their  order,  their  Ad- 


DEED    OF    ENTAIL  91 

miral  of  the  sea,  with  all  the  preeminences 
held  by  Don  Henrique  in  the  Admiralty  of  Cas 
tile,  and  they  made  me  their  Governor  and 
Viceroy  perpetually  and  for  ever,  over  all  the 
islands  and  mainland  discovered,  or  to  be  dis 
covered,  for  myself  and  heirs,  as  is  more  fully 
shown  by  my  treaty  and  privilege  as  above 
mentioned. 

Item.  The  said  Don  Diego,  or  any  other 
inheritor  of  this  estate,  shall  distribute  the  rev 
enue  which  it  may  please  our  Lord  to  grant 
him,  in  the  following  manner,  under  the  above 
penalty: 

First — Of  the  whole  income  of  this  estate, 
now  and  at  all  times,  and  of  whatever  may  be 
had  or  collected  from  it,  he  shall  give  the  fourth 
part  of  it  to  my  brother,  Don  Bartholomew 
Columbus,  Adelantado  of  the  Indies;  and  this 
is  to  continue  till  he  shall  have  acquired  an  in 
come  of  a  million  of  maravedises*  for  his  sup 
port,  and  for  the  services  he  has  rendered  and 
will  continue  to  render  to  this  entailed  estate; 

*  Approximately  thirty-five  hundred  dollars,  equivalent 
at  the  time  to  between  ten  and  twelve  thousand  dollars. 


Q2  DEED    OF   ENTAIL 

which  million  he  is  to  receive,  as  stated,  every 
year,  if  the  said  fourth  amount  to  so  much,  and 
that  he  have  nothing  else;  but  if  he  possess  a 
part  or  the  whole  of  that  amount  in  rents,  that 
thenceforth  he  shall  not  enjoy  the  said  million, 
nor  any  part  of  it,  except  that  he  shall  have  in 
the  said  fourth  part  unto  the  said  quantity  of  a 
million,  if  it  should  amount  to  so  much;  and  as 
much  as  he  shall  have  a  revenue  besides  this 
fourth  part,  whatever  sum  of  maravedises  of 
known  rent  from  property  or  perpetual  offices, 
the  said  quantity  of  rent  or  revenue  from  prop 
erty  or  offices  shall  be  discounted;  and  from 
the  said  million  shall  be  reserved  whatever  mar 
riage-portion  he  may  receive  with  any  female 
he  may  espouse;  so  that  whatever  he  may  re 
ceive  in  marriage  with  his  wife,  no  deduction 
shall  be  made  on  that  account  from  said  mil 
lion,  but  only  for  whatever  he  may  acquire  or 
may  have  over  and  above  his  wife's  dowry;  and 
when  it  shall  please  God  that  he  or  his  heirs 
and  descendants  shall  derive  from  their  prop 
erty  and  offices  a  revenue  of  a  million  arising 
from  rents,  neither  he  nor  his  heirs  shall  enjoy 


DEED    OF    ENTAIL  93 

any  longer  anything  from  the  said  fourth  part 
of  the  entailed  estate,  which  shall  remain  with 
Don  Diego,  or  whoever  may  inherit  it. 

Item.  From  the  revenues  of  the  said  estate, 
or  from  any  other  fourth  part  of  it  (should  its 
amount  be  adequate  to  it),  shall  be  paid  every 
year  to  my  son  Ferdinand  two  millions,  till 
such  time  as  his  revenue  shall  amount  to  two 
millions,  in  the  same  form  and  manner  as  in 
the  case  of  Bartholomew,  who,  as  well  as  his 
heirs,  are  to  have  the  million  or  the  part  that 
may  be  wanting. 

Item.  The  said  Don  Diego  or  Don  Bartholo 
mew  shall  make  out  of  the  said  estate,  for  my 
brother  Diego,  such  provision  as  may  enable 
him  to  live  decently,  as  he  is  my  brother,  to 
whom  I  assign  no  particular  sum,  as  he  has  at 
tached  himself  to  the  Church,  and  that  will  be 
given  him  which  is  right;  and  this  to  be  given 
him  in  a  mass,  and  before  anything  shall  have 
been  received  by  Ferdinand  my  son,  or  Bar 
tholomew  my  brother,  or  their  heirs,  and  also 
according  to  the  amount  of  the  income  of  the 
estate.  And  in  case  of  discord,  the  case  is  to 


94  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

be  referred  to  two  of  our  relations,  or  other 
men  of  honor;  and  should  they  disagree  among 
themselves,  they  will  choose  a  third  person  as 
arbitrator,  being  virtuous  and  not  distrusted  by 
either  party. 

Item.  All  this  revenue  which  I  bequeath  to 
Bartholomew,  to  Ferdinand,  and  to  Diego, 
shall  be  delivered  to  and  received  by  them  as 
prescribed  under  the  obligation  of  being  faith 
ful  and  loyal  to  Diego  my  son,  or  his  heirs, 
they  as  well  as  their  children;  and  should  it 
appear  that  they,  or  any  of  them  had  proceed 
ed  against  him  in  anything  touching  his  honor, 
or  the  prosperity  of  the  family,  or  of  the  estate, 
either  in  word  or  deed,  whereby  might  come  a 
scandal  and  debasement  to  my  family,  and  a 
detriment  to  my  estate;  in  that  case,  nothing 
farther  shall  be  given  to  them  or  him,  from  that 
time  forward,  inasmuch  as  they  are  always  to 
be  faithful  to  Diego  and  to  his  successors. 

Item.  As  it  was  my  intention,  when  I  first 
instituted  this  entailed  estate,  to  dispose,  or 
that  my  son  Diego  should  dispose  for  me,  of 
the  tenth  part  of  the  income  in  favor  of  neces- 


DEED    OF   ENTAIL  95 

sitous  persons,  as  a  tithe,  and  in  commemora 
tion  of  the  almighty  and  eternal  God;  and  per 
sisting  still  in  this  opinion,  and  hoping  that  his 
High  Majesty  will  assist  me,  and  those  who 
may  inherit  it,  in  this  or  the  new  world,  I  have 
resolved  that  the  said  tithe  shall  be  paid  in  the 
manner  following: 

First — It  is  to  be  understood  that  the  fourth 
part  of  the  revenue  of  the  estate  which  I  have 
ordained  and  directed  to  be  given  to  Don  Bar 
tholomew,  till  he  have  an  income  of  one  million, 
includes  the  tenth  of  the  whole  revenue  of  the 
estate  ;  and  that  as  in  proportion  as  the  income 
of  my  brother  Don  Bartholomew  shall  increase, 
as  it  has  to  be  discounted  from  the  revenue  of  the 
fourth  part  of  the  entailed  estate,  that  the  said 
revenue  shall  be  calculated,  to  know  how  much 
the  tenth  part  amounts  to;  and  the  part  which 
exceeds  what  is  necessary  to  make  up  the  mil 
lion  for  Don  Bartholomew  shall  be  received  by 
such  of  my  family  as  may  most  stand  in  need 
of  it,  discounting  it  from  the  said  tenth,  if  their 
income  do  not  amount  to  fifty  thousand  mara- 
vedises;  and  should  any  of  these  come  to  have 


96  DEED    OF   ENTAIL 

an  income  to  this  amount,  such  a  part  shall  be 
awarded  them  as  two  persons,  chosen  for  the 
purpose,  may  determine,  along  with  Don  Diego 
or  his  heirs.  Thus,  it  is  to  be  understood  that 
the  million  which  I  leave  to  Don  Bartholomew 
comprehends  the  tenth  of  the  whole  revenue  of 
the  estate;  which  revenue  is  to  be  distributed 
among  my  nearest  and  most  needy  relations  in 
the  manner  I  have  directed;  and  when  Don 
Bartholomew  has  an  income  of  one  million,  and 
that  nothing  more  shall  be  due  to  him  on  ac 
count  of  said  fourth  part,  then  Don  Diego,  my 
son,  or  the  persons  which  I  shall  herein  point 
out,  shall  inspect  the  accounts,  and  so  direct 
that  the  tenth  of  the  revenue  shall  still  continue 
to  be  paid  to  the  most  necessitous  members  of 
my  family  that  may  be  found  in  this  or  any 
other  quarter  of  the  world,  who  shall  diligently 
be  sought  out;  and  they  are  to  be  paid  out  of 
the  fourth  part  from  which  Don  Bartholomew 
is  to  derive  his  million;  which  sums  are  to  be 
taken  into  account,  and  deducted  from  the  said 
tenth,  which,  should  it  amount  to  more,  the 
overplus,  as  it  arises  from  the  fourth  part,  shall 


DEED    OF    ENTAIL  97 

be  given  to  the  most  necessitous  persons  as 
aforesaid;  and,  should  it  not  be  sufficient,  that 
Don  Bartholomew  shall  have  it  until  his  own 
estate  goes  on  increasing,  leaving  the  said  mil 
lion  in  part  or  in  the  whole. 

Item.  The  said  Don  Diego  my  son,  or  who 
ever  may  be  the  inheritor,  shall  appoint  two 
persons  of  conscience  and  authority,  and  most 
nearly  related  to  the  famity,  who  are  to  exam 
ine  the  revenue  and  its  amount  carefully,  and 
to  cause  the  said  tenth  to  be  paid  out  of  the 
fourth  from  which  Don  Bartholomew  is  to  re 
ceive  his  million,  to  the  most  necessitated 
members  of  my  family  that  may  be  found  here 
or  elsewhere,  whom  they  shall  look  for  dili 
gently  upon  their  consciences;  and  as  it  might 
happen  that  said  Don  Diego,  or  others  after 
him,  for  reasons  which  may  concern  their  own 
welfare,  or  the  credit  and  support  of  the  estate, 
may  be  unwilling  to  make  known  the  full 
amount  of  the  income;  nevertheless  I  charge 
him  on  his  conscience  to  pay  the  sum  afore 
said;  and  I  charge  them  on  their  souls  and 
consciences  not  to  denounce  or  make  it  known, 


98  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

except  with  the  consent  of  Don  Diego,  or  the 
person  that  may  succeed  him;  but  let  the  above 
tithe  be  paid  in  the  manner  I  have  directed. 

Item.  In  order  to  avoid  all  disputes  in  the 
choice  of  the  two  nearest  relations  who  are  to 
act  with  Don  Diego  or  his  heirs,  I  hereby  elect 
Don  Bartholomew,  my  brother,  for  one,  and 
Don  Fernando,  my  son,  for  the  other;  and  when 
these  two  shall  enter  upon  the  business  they 
shall  choose  two  other  persons  among  the  most 
trusty,  and  most  nearly  related,  and  these 
again  shall  elect  two  others  when  it  shall  be 
question  of  commencing  the  examination;  and 
thus  it  shall  be  managed  with  diligence  from 
one  to  the  other,  as  well  in  this  as  in  the  other 
of  government,  for  the  service  and  glory  of 
God,  and  the  benefit  of  the  said  entailed  estate. 

Item.  I  also  enjoin  Diego,  or  any  one  that 
may  inherit  the  estate,  to  have  and  maintain 
in  the  city  of  Genoa  one  person  of  our  line 
age  to  reside  there  with  his  wife,  and  ap 
point  him  a  sufficient  revenue  to  enable  him  to 
live  decently,  as  a  person  closely  connected 
with  the  family,  of  which  he  is  to  be  the  root 


DEED    OF    ENTAIL  99 

and  basis  in  that  city;  from  which  great  good 
may  accrue  to  him,  inasmuch  as  I  was  born 
there,  and  came  from  thence. 

Item.  The  said  Don  Diego,  or  whoever 
shall  inherit  the  estate,  must  remit  in  bills,  or 
in  any  other  way,  all  such  sums  as  he  may  be 
able  to  save  out  of  the  revenue  of  the  estate, 
and  direct  purchases  to  be  made  in  his  name, 
or  that  of  his  heirs,  in  a  fund  in  the  Bank  of 
St.  George,*  which  gives  an  interest  of  six  per 
cent,  and  is  secure  money;  and  this  shall  be  de 
voted  to  the  purpose  I  am  about  to  explain. 

Item.  As  it  becomes  every  man  of  rank  and 
property  to  serve  God,  either  personally  or  by 
means  of  his  wealth,  and  as  all  moneys  depos 
ited  with  St.  George  are  quite  safe,  and  Genoa 
is  a  noble  city,  and  powerful  by  sea,  and  as  at 
the  time  that  I  undertook  to  set  out  upon  that 
discovery  of  the  Indias,  it  was  with  the  inten 
tion  of  supplicating  the  King  and  Queen,  our 
lords,  that  whatever  moneys  should  be  derived 
from  the  said  Indias  should  be  invested  in  the 
conquest  of  Jerusalem;  and  as  I  did  so  suppli- 

*  The  great  financial  corporation  of  Genoa. 


100  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

cate  them;  if  they  do  this,  it  will  be  well;  if  not, 
at  all  events  the  said  Diego,  or  such  person  as 
may  succeed  him  in  this  trust,  to  collect  to 
gether  all  the  money  he  can,  and  accompany 
the  King  our  lord,  should  he  go  to  the  conquest 
of  Jerusalem,  or  else  go  there  himself  with  all 
the  force  he  can  command;  and  in  pursuing 
this  intention,  it  will  please  the  Lord  to  assist 
toward  the  accomplishment  of  the  plan;  and 
should  he  not  be  able  to  effect  the  conquest  of 
the  whole,  no  doubt  he  will  achieve  it  in  part. 
Let  him  therefore  collect  and  make  a  fund  of 
all  his  wealth  in  St.  George  of  Genoa,  and  let 
it  multiply  there  till  such  time  as  it  may  appear 
to  him  that  something  of  consequence  may  be 
effected  as  respects  the  project  on  Jerusalem; 
for  I  believe  that  when  their  Highnesses  shall  see 
that  this  is  contemplated,  they  will  wish  to  real 
ize  it  themselves,  or  will  afford  him,  as  their  ser 
vant  and  vassal,  the  means  of  doing  it  for  them. 
Item.  I  charge  my  son  Diego  and  my  de 
scendants,  especially  whoever  may  inherit  this 
estate,  which  consists,  as  aforesaid,  of  the  tenth 
of  whatsoever  may  be  had  or  found  in  the  In- 


DEED    OF    ENTAIL  IOI 

dias,  and  the  eighth  part  of  the  lands  and  rents, 
all  which,  together  with  my  rights  and  emolu 
ments  as  Admiral,  Viceroy  and  Governor, 
amount  to  more  than  twenty-five  per  cent — I 
say,  that  I  require  of  him  to  employ  all  this  rev 
enue,  as  well  as  his  person  and  all  the  means 
in  his  power,  in  well  and  faithfully  serving  and 
supporting  their  Highnesses,  or  their  succes 
sors,  even  to  the  loss  of  life  and  property;  since 
it  was  their  Highnesses,  next  to  God,  who  first 
gave  me  the  means  of  getting  and  achieving 
this  property,  although,  it  is  true,  I  came  over 
these  realms  to  invite  them  to  the  enterprise, 
and  that  a  long  time  elapsed  before  any  provis 
ion  was  made  for  carrying  it  into  execution; 
which,  however,  is  not  surprising,  as  this  was 
an  undertaking  of  which  all  the  world  was  ig 
norant,  and  no  one  had  any  faith  in  it;  where 
fore  I  am  by  so  much  the  more  indebted  to 
them,  as  well  as  because  they  have  since  also 
much  favored  and  promoted  me. 

Item.  I  also  require  of  Diego,  or  whoso 
ever  may  be  in  possession  of  the  estate,  that  in 
the  case  of  any  schism  taking  place  in  the 


102  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

Church  of  God,  or  that  any  person  of  whatever 
class  or  condition  should  attempt  to  despoil  it 
of  its  property  and  honors,  they  hasten  to  offer 
at  the  feet  of  his  holiness,  that  is,  if  they  are  not 
heretics  (which  God  forbid),  their  persons,  pow 
er  and  wealth,  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing 
such  schism,  and  preventing  any  spoliation  of 
the  honor  and  property  of  the  Church. 

Item.  I  command  the  said  Diego,  or  who 
ever  may  possess  the  said  estate,  to  labor  and 
strive  for  the  honor,  welfare  and  aggrandize 
ment  of  the  city  of  Genoa,  and  to  make  use  of 
all  his  power  and  means  in  defending  and  en 
hancing  the  good  and  credit  of  that  republic, 
in  all  things  not  contrary  to  the  service  of  the 
Church  of  God,  or  the  high  dignity  of  the  King 
and  Queen,  our  lords,  and  their  successors. 

Item.  The  said  Diego,  or  whoever  may  pos 
sess  or  succeed  to  the  estate,  out  of  the  fourth 
part  of  the  whole  revenue,  from  which,  as  afore 
said,  is  to  be  taken  the  tenth,  when  Don  Bar 
tholomew  or  his  heirs  shall  have  saved  the  two 
millions^  or  part  of  them,  and  when  the  time 
shall  come  of  making  a  distribution  among  our 


DEED    OF    ENTAIL  103 

relations,  shall  apply  and  invest  the  said  tenth 
in  providing  marriages  for  such  daughters  of 
our  lineage  as  may  require  it,  and  in  doing  all 
the  good  in  their  power. 

Item.  When  a  suitable  time  shall  arrive,  he 
shall  order  a  church  to  be  built  in  the  island  of 
Espariola,  and  in  the  most  convenient  spot, 
to  be  called  Santa  Maria  de  la  Concepcion;  to 
which  is  to  be  annexed  an  hospital,  upon  the 
best  possible  plan,  like  those  of  Italy  and  Cas 
tile,  and  a  chapel  be  erected  to  say  mass  in  for 
the  good  of  my  soul,  and  those  of  my  ances 
tors  and  successors  with  great  devotion,  since 
no  doubt  it  will  please  the  Lord  to  give  us  a 
sufficient  revenue  for  this  and  the  aforemen 
tioned  purposes. 

Item.  I  also  order  Diego  my  son,  or  whoso 
ever  may  inherit  after  him,  to  spare  no  pains 
in  having  and  maintaining  in  the  island  of  Es 
panola,  four  good  professors  of  theology,  to 
the  end  and  aim  of  their  studying  and  laboring 
to  convert  to  our  holy  faith  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Indies;  and  in  proportion  as,  by  God's  will 
the  revenue  of  the  estate  shall  increase,  in  the 


104  DEED    OF    ENTAIL 

same  degree  shall  the  number  of  teachers  and 
devout  persons  increase,  who  are  to  strive  to 
make  Christians  of  the  natives;  in  attaining 
which  no  expense  should  be  thought  too  great. 
And  in  commemoration  of  all  that  I  hereby  or 
dain,  and  of  the  foregoing,  a  monument  of  mar 
ble  shall  be  erected  in  the  said  Church  of  la 
Concepcion,  in  the  most  conspicuous  place,  to 
serve  as  a  record  of  what  I  here  enjoin  on  the 
said  Diego,  as  well  as  to  other  persons  who  may 
look  upon  it;  which  marble  shall  contain  an  in 
scription  to  the  same  effect. 

Item.  I  also  require  of  Diego  my  son,  and 
whosoever  may  succeed  him  in  the  estate, 
that  every  time,  and  as  often  as  he  confesses, 
he  first  show  his  obligation,  or  a  copy  of  it,  to 
the  confessor,  praying  him  to  read  it  through, 
that  he  may  be  enabled  to  inquire  respecting 
its  fulfillment;  from  which  will  redound  great 
good  and  happiness  to  his  soul. 

Seville,  February  22,  1498. 

S. 

S     A     S 
X     M    Y 
EL  ALMIRANTE. 


LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA    105 


LETTER  TO  FERDINAND  AND 
ISABELLA* 

TV  /T  OST  serene  and  most  exalted  and  power- 
•L  * -*•  fui  Princes,  the  King  and  Queen,  our  Sov 
ereigns:  The  Blessed  Trinity  moved  your  High 
nesses  to  the  encouragement  of  this  enterprise 
to  the  Indies,  and  of  its  infinite  goodness  has 
made  me  your  messenger  therein;  as  ambassa 
dor  for  which  undertaking  I  approached  your 
royal  presence,  moved  by  the  consideration  that 
I  was  appealing  to  the  most  exalted  monarchs 
in  Christendom,  who  exercised  so  great  an  in 
fluence  over  the  Christian  faith  and  its  ad 
vancement  in  the  world;  those  who  heard  of  it 
looked  upon  it  as  impossible,  for  they  fixed  all 

*  Describing  his  third  voyage  to  America,  for  which  he 
sailed  May  30,  1498.  He  reached  San  Domingo  on  August 
3oth  of  the  same  year,  and  must  have  written  this  account 
either  immediately  before  or  after  that  date,  and  despatch 
ed  it  to  Spain.  The  translation  is  by  R.  H.  Major,  and  is 
printed  in  his  Select  Letters  of  Christopher  Cohimbus,  .  .  . 
London,  1848.  The  original  text  is  in  Navarrete's  Colec- 
cion  de  los  Viages,  .  .  ,  Madrid,  1825. 


106  LETTER    TO 

their  hopes  on  the  favors  of  fortune,  and  pin 
ned  their  faith  solely  upon  chance.  I  gave  to 
the  subject  six  or  seven  years  of  great  anxiety,"" 
explaining,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  how 
great  service  might  be  done  to  our  Lord  by 
this  undertaking,  in  promulgating  His  sacred 
name  and  our  holy  faith  among  so  many  na 
tions — an  enterprise  so  exalted  in  itself,  and 
so  calculated  to  enhance  the  glory  and  immor 
talize  the  renown  of  the  greatest  sovereigns. 
It  was  also  requisite  to  refer  to  the  temporal 
prosperity  which  was  foretold  in  the  writings 
of  so  many  trustworthy  and  wise  historians, 
who  related  that  great  riches  were  to  be  found 
in  these  parts.  And  at  the  same  time  I  thought 
it  desirable  to  bring  to  bear  upon  the  subject 
the  sayings  and  opinions  of  those  who  have 
written  upon  the  geography  of  the  world.  And, 
finally,  your  Highnesses  came  to  the  determi 
nation  that  the  undertaking  should  be  entered 
upon.  In  this  your  Highnesses  exhibited  the 
noble  spirit  which  has  been  always  manifested 

*  Columbus  first  applied  to  Spain  in  1485. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  IO/ 

by  you  on  every  subject;  for  all  others  who 
had  thought  of  the  matter,  or  heard  it  spoken 
of,  unanimously  treated  it  with  contempt,  with 
the  exception  of  two  friars,*  who  always  re 
mained  constant  in  their  belief  of  its  practica 
bility.  I3  myself,  in  spite  of  fatiguing  opposi 
tion,  felt  sure  that  the  enterprise  would, 
nevertheless,  prosper,  and  continue  equally 
confident  of  it  to  this  day,  because  it  is  a  truth 
that,  though  everything  will  pass  away,  the 
Word  of  God  will  not;  and  I  believe  that  every 
prospect  which  I  hold  out  will  be  accomplish 
ed;  for  it  was  clearly  predicted  concerning 
these  lands,  by  the  mouth  of  the  prophet 
Isaiah,  in  many  places  in  Scripture,  that  from 
Spain  the  holy  name  of  God  was  to  be  spread 
abroad.  Thus  I  departed  in  the  name  of 
the  Holy  Trinity,  and  returned  very  soon, 
bringing  with  me  an  account  of  the  practi 
cal  fulfilment  of  everything  I  had  said.  Your 
Highnesses  again  sent  me  out,  and  in  a  short 

*  Fray  Juan  Perez  de  Marchena,  a  Franciscan,  keeper  of 
the  Convent  of  de  la  Rabida,  and  Fray  Diego  de  Deza,  a 
Dominican. 


108  LETTER    TO 

space  of  time,  by  God's  mercy,  not  by*  I  dis 
covered  three  hundred  and  thirty-three  leagues 
of  terra  firma  on  the  eastern  side,t  and  seven  hun 
dred  islands,  besides  those  which  I  discovered 
on  the  first  voyage;  I  also  succeeded  in  circum 
navigating  the  island  of  Espariola,  which  is 
larger  in  circumference  than  all  Spain,  the  in 
habitants  of  which  are  countless,  and  all  of 
whom  may  be  laid  under  tribute.  It  was  then 
that  complaints  arose,  disparaging  the  enter 
prise  that  I  had  undertaken,  because,  forsooth, 
I  had  not  immediately  sent  the  ships  home 
laden  with  gold — no  allowance  being  made  for 
the  shortness  of  the  time,  and  all  the  other 
impediments  of  which  I  have  already  spoken. 
On  this  account  (either  as  a  punishment  of 
my  sins,  or,  as  I  trust,  for  my  salvation)  I  was 
held  in  detestation,  and  had  obstacles  placed 
in  the  way  of  everything  I  said,  or  for  which  I 
petitioned.  I  therefore  resolved  to  apply  to 
your  Highnesses,  to  inform  you  of  all  the  won- 

*  A  blank  occurs  in  the  MS. 

f  Columbus  here  confused  the   island   of  Cuba  with  the 
main  coast,  which  he  did  not  see  till  the  present  voyage. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  IOg 

derful  events  that  I  had  experienced,  and  to 
explain  the  reason  of  every  proposition  that  I 
made,  making  reference  to  the  nations  that 
I  had  seen,  among  whom,  and  by  whose  in 
strumentality,  many  souls  maybe  saved.  I  re 
lated  how  the  natives  of  Espaiiola  had  been  laid 
under  tribute  to  your  Highnesses,  and  regard 
ed  you  as  their  sovereigns.  And  I  laid  before 
your  Highnesses  abundant  samples  of  gold  and 
copper — proving  the  existence  of  extensive 
mines  of  those  metals.  I  also  laid  before  your 
Highnesses  many  sorts  of  spices,  too  numerous 
to  detail;  and  I  spoke  of  the  great  quantity 
of  brazil-wood,  and  numberless  other  articles 
found  in  those  lands.  All  this  was  of  no  avail 
with  some  persons,  who  began,  with  deter 
mined  hatred,  to  speak  ill  of  the  enterprise, 
not  taking  into  account  the  service  done  to 
our  Lord  in  the  salvation  of  so  many  souls,  nor 
the  enhancement  of  your  Highnesses'  great 
ness  to  a  higher  pitch  than  any  earthly  prince 
has  yet  enjoyed;  nor  considering  that,  from 
the  exercise  of  your  Highnesses'  goodness, 
and  the  expense  incurred,  both  spiritual  and 


I  10  LETTER    TO 

temporal  advantage  was  to  be  expected,  and 
that  Spain  must  in  the  process  of  time  derive 
from  thence,  beyond  all  doubt,  an  unspeakable 
increase  of  wealth.  This  might  be  manifestly 
seen  by  the  evidences  already  given  in  writing 
in  the  descriptions  of  the  voyages  already 
made,  which  also  prove  that  the  fulfilment  of 
every  other  hope  maybe  reasonably  expected. 
Nor  were  they  affected  by  the  consideration  of 
what  great  princes  throughout  the  world  have 
done  to  increase  their  fame:  as,  for  example, 
Solomon,  who  sent  from  Jerusalem  to  the  ut 
termost  parts  of  the  east,  to  see  Mount  Sopora, 
in  which  expedition  his  ships  were  detained 
three  years;  and  which  mountain  your  High 
nesses  now  possess  in  the  island  of  Espanola. 
Nor,  as  in  the  case  of  Alexander,  who  sent  to 
observe  the  mode  of  government  in  the  island 
of  Taprobana,  in  India;  and  Caesar  Nero,  to 
explore  the  sources  of  the  Nile,  and  to  learn 
the  causes  of  its  increase  in  the  spring,  when 
water  is  needed;  and  many  other  mighty  deeds 
that  princes  have  done,  and  which  it  is  allotted 
to  princes  to  achieve.  Nor  was  it  of  any  avail 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  III 

that  no  prince  of  Spain,  as  far  as  I  have  read, 
has  ever  hitherto  gained  possession  of  land  out 
of  Spain;  and  that  the  world  of  which  I  speak 
is  different  from  that  in  which  the  Romans,  and 
Alexander,  and  the  Greeks  made  mighty  ef 
forts  with  great  armies  to  gain  the  possession 
of.  Nor  have  they  been  affected  by  the  recent 
noble  example  of  the  kings  of  Portugal,  who 
have  had  the  courage  to  explore  as  far  as 
Guinea,  and  to  make  the  discovery  of  it,  ex 
pending  so  much  gold  and  so  many  lives  in  the 
undertaking  that  a  calculation  of  the  popula 
tion  of  the  kingdom  would  show  that  one-half 
of  them  have  died  in  Guinea:  and  though  it  is 
now  a  long  time  since  they  commenced  these 
great  exertions,  the  return  for  their  labor  and 
expense  has  hitherto  been  but  trifling;  this 
people  has  also  dared  to  make  conquests  in 
Africa,  and  to  carry  on  their  exploits  to  Ceuta, 
Tangier,  and  Alcazar,  repeatedly  giving  battle 
to  the  Moors,  and  all  this  at  great  expense, 
simply  because  it  was  an  exploit  worthy  of  a 
prince,  undertaken  for  the  service  of  God  and 
to  advance  the  enlargement  of  His  kingdom. 


112  LETTER    TO 

The  more  I  said  on  the  subject  the  more  two 
fold  was  reproach  cast  upon  it,  even  to  the  ex 
pression  of  abhorrence,  no  consideration  being 
given  to  the  honor  and  fame  that  accrued  to 
your  Highnesses  throughout  all  Christendom, 
from  your  Highnesses'  having  undertaken  this 
enterprise;  so  that  there  was  neither  great 
nor  small  who  did  not  desire  to  hear  tidings 
of  it.  Your  Highnesses  replied  to  me  en 
couragingly,  and  desired  that  I  should  pay 
no  regard  to  those  who  spoke  ill  of  the  un 
dertaking,  inasmuch  as  they  had  received  no 
authority  or  countenance  whatever  from  your 
Highnesses. 

I  started  from  San  Lucar,  in  the  name  of  the 
most  Holy  Trinity,  on  Wednesday,  the  3Oth  of 
May,  much  fatigued  with  my  voyage,  for  I  had 
hoped,  when  I  left  the  Indies,  to  find  repose  in 
Spain;  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  I  experienced 
nothing  but  opposition  and  vexation.  I  sailed 
to  the  island  of  Madeira  by  a  circuitous  route, 
in  order  to  avoid  any  encounter  with  an  armed 
fleet  from  France,  which  was  on  the  lookout 
for  me  off  Cape  St.  Vincent.  Thence  I  went 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  113 

to  the  Canaries,  from  which  islands  I  sailed 
with  but  one  ship  and  two  caravels,  having  dis 
patched  the  other  ships  to  Espafiola  by  the  di 
rect  road  to  the  Indies;  while  I  myself  moved 
southward,  with  the  view  of  reaching  the  equi 
noctial  line,  and  of  then  proceeding  westward, 
so  as  to  leave  the  island  of  Espariola  to  the 
north.  But  having  reached  the  Cape  Verd 
Islands  (an  incorrect  name,  for  they  are  so  bar 
ren  that  nothing  green  was  to  be  seen  there, 
and  the  people  so  sickly  that  I  did  not  venture 
to  remain  among  them),  I  sailed  away  four^ 
hundred  and  eighty  miles,  which  is  equivalent 
to  a  hundred  and  twenty  leagues,  toward  the 
southwest,  where,  when  it  grew  dark,  I  found 
the  north  star  to  be  in  the  fifth  degree.  The  wind 
then  failed  me,  and  I  entered  a  climate  where 
the  intensity  of  the  heat  was  such  that  I  thought 
both  ships  and  men  would  have  been  burned  up, 
and  everything  suddenly  got  into  such  a  state 
of  confusion  that  no  man  dared  go  below  deck 
to  attend  to  the  securing  of  the  water-cask  and 
the  provisions.  This  heat  lasted  eight  days; 
on  the  first  day  the  weather  was  fine,  but  on 


114  LETTER    TO 

the  seven  other  days  it  rained  and  was  cloudy, 
yet  we  found  no  alleviation  of  our  distress;  so 
that  I  certainly  believe  that  if  the  sun  had 
shone  as  on  the  first  day,  we  should  not  have 
been  able  to  escape  in  any  way. 

I  recollect  that,  in  sailing  toward  the  Indies, 
as  soon  as  I  passed  a  hundred  leagues  to  the 
westward  of  the  Azores,  I  found  the  tempera 
ture  change :  and  this  is  so  all  along  from 
north  to  south.  I  determined,  therefore,  if  it 
should  please  the  Lord  to  give  me  a  favorable 
wind  and  good  weather,  so  that  I  might  leave 
the  part  where  I  then  was,  that  I  would  give  up 
pursuing  the  southward  course,  yet  not  turn 
backward,  but  sail  toward  the  west,  moving  in 
that  direction  in  the  hope  of  finding  the  same 
temperature  that  I  had  experienced  when  I 
sailed  in  the  parallel  of  the  Canaries,  and  then, 
if  it  proved  so,  I  should  still  be  able  to  proceed 
more  to  the  south.  At  the  end  of  these  eight 
days  it  pleased  our  Lord  to  give  me  a  favor 
able  east  wind,  and  I  steered  to  the  west,  but 
did  not  venture  to  move  lower  down  toward 
the  south,  because  I  discovered  a  very  great 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  115 

change  in  the  sky  and  the  stars,  although  I 
found  no  alteration  in  the  temperature.  I  re 
solved,  therefore,  to  keep  on  the  direct  west 
ward  course,  in  a  line  from  Sierra  Leone,  and 
not  to  change  on  another  tack,  which  I  was 
very  desirous  to  do,  for  the  purpose  of  repair 
ing  the  vessels,  and  of  renewing,  if  possible, 
our  stock  of  provisions,  and  taking  in  what 
water  we  wanted.  At  the  end  of  seventeen 
clays,  during  which  our  Lord  gave  me  a  pro 
pitious  wind,  we  saw  land  at  noon,  of  Tuesday, 
the  3  ist  of  July.  This  I  had  expected  on  the 
Monday  before,  and  held  that  route  up  to  this 
point ;  but  as  the  sun's  strength  increased, 
and  our  supply  of  water  was  failing,  I  re 
solved  to  make  for  the  Caribee  Islands,  and 
set  sail  in  that  direction  ;  when,  by  the  mercy 
of  God,  which  He  has  always  extended  to  me, 
one  of  the  sailors*  went  up  to  the  maintop, 
and  saw  to  the  westward  a  range  of  three 
mountains.  Upon  this  we  repeated  the  "  Salve 


*Navarrete  states  that  this  was  a  servant  of  Columbus 
named  Alonzo  Perez. 


Il6  LETTER    TO 

Regina,"  and  other  prayers,  and  all  of  us  gave 
many  thanks  to  our  Lord.  I  then  gave  up  our 
northward  course,  and  put  in  for  the  land  :  at 
the  hour  of  complines  we  reached  a  cape, 
which  I  called  Cape  Galea,  *  having  already 
given  to  the  island  the  name  of  Trinidad,  and 
here  we  found  a  harbor,  which  would  have 
been  excellent,  but  there  was  no  good  anchor 
age.  We  saw  houses  and  people  on  the  spot, 
and  the  country  around  was  very  beautiful, 
and  as  fresh  and  green  as  the  gardens  of  Va 
lencia  in  the  month  of  March.  I  was  disap 
pointed  at  not  being  able  to  put  into  the  har 
bor,  and  ran  along  the  coast  to  the  westward. 
After  sailing  five  leagues  I  found  very  good 
bottom,  and  anchored.  The  next  day  I  set 
sail  in  the  same  direction,  in  search  of  a  har 
bor  where  I  might  repair  the  vessels  and  take 
in  water,  as  well  as  improve  the  stock  of  pro 
visions  which  I  had  brought  out  with  me. 
When  we  had  taken  in  a  pipe  of  water,  we  pro- 

*  Cape  Galeota,  the  southeastern  point  of  Trinidad. 
It  was  now  that  Columbus  first  saw  the  main  coast  of 
America. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  1 1/ 

ceeded  onward  till  we  reached  the  cape,  and 
there,  finding-  good  anchorage  and  protection 
from  the  east  wind,  I  ordered  the  anchors  to 
be  dropped,  the  water-cask  to  be  repaired,  a 
supply  of  water  and  wood  to  be  taken  in,  and 
the  people  to  rest  themselves  from  the  fatigues 
which  they  had  endured  for  so  long  a  time.  I 
gave  to  this  point  the  name  of  Sandy  Point 
(Punt a  del  Areual).  All  the  ground  in  the 
neighborhood  was  filled  with  foot-marks  of 
animals,  like  the  impression  of  the  foot  of  a 
goat ;  but  although  it  would  have  appeared 
from  this  circumstance  that  they  were  very 
numerous,  only  one  was  seen,  and  that  was 
dead.  On  the  following  day  a  large  canoe 
came  from  the  eastward,  containing  twenty- 
four  men,  all  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  well  pro 
vided  with  arms,  such  as  bows,  arrows,  and 
wooden  shields  ;  they  were  all,  as  I  have  said, 
young,  well-proportioned,  and  not  dark  black, 
but  whiter  than  any  other  Indians  that  I  had 
seen,  of  very  graceful  gesture,  and  handsome 
forms,  wearing  their  hair  long  and  straight, 
and  cut  in  the  Spanish  style.  Their  heads 


Il8  LETTER    TO 

were  bound  round  with  cotton  scarfs  elabor 
ately  worked  in  colors,  which  resembled  the 
Moorish  head-dresses.  Some  of  these  scarfs 
were  worn  round  the  body  and  used  as  a  cov 
ering  in  lieu  of  trousers.  The  natives  spoke  to 
us  from  the  canoe  while  it  was  yet  at  a  consid 
erable  distance,  but  none  of  us  could  under 
stand  them  ;  I  made  signs  to  them,  however, 
to  come  nearer  to  us,  and  more  than  two  hours 
were  spent  in  this  manner  ;  but  if  by  any  chance 
they  moved  a  little  nearer,  they  soon  pushed 
off  again.  I  caused  basins  and  other  shining 
objects  to  be  shown  to  them  to  tempt  them  to 
come  near ;  and  after  a  long  time  they  came 
somewhat  nearer  than  they  had  hitherto  done, 
upon  which,  as  I  was  anxious  to  speak  with 
them,  and  had  nothing  else  to  show  them  to 
induce  them  to  approach,  I  ordered  a  drum  to 
be  played  upon  the  quarter-deck,  and  some  of 
our  young  men  to  dance,  believing  the  Indians 
would  come  to  see  the  amusement.  No 
sooner,  however,  did  they  perceive  the  beating 
of  the  drum  and  the  dancing,  than  they  all  left 
their  oars,  and  strung  their  bows,  and  each 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  I  19 

man  laying  hold  of  his  shield,  they  commenced 
discharging  their  arrows  at  us  ;  upon  this,  the 
music  and  dancing  soon  ceased,  and  I  ordered 
a  charge  to  be  made  from  some  of  our  cross 
bows  ;  they  then  left  us,  and  went  rapidly  to  the 
other  caravel,  and  placed  themselves  under  its 
poop.  The  pilot  of  that  vessel  received  them 
courteously,  and  gave  to  the  man  who  appeared 
to  be  their  chief  a  coat  and  hat ;  and  it  was  then 
arranged  between  them  that  he  should  go  to 
speak  with  him  on  shore.  Upon  this  the  In 
dians  immediately  went  thither  and  waited  for 
him  ;  but  as  he  would  not  go  without  my  per 
mission,  he  came  to  my  ship  in  the  boat,  where 
upon  the  Indians  got  into  their  canoe  again 
and  went  away,  and  I  never  saw  any  more  of 
them  or  of  any  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  the 
island.  When  I  reached  the  point  of  Arenal, 
I  found  that  the  island  of  Trinidad  formed  with 
the  land  of  Gracia  a  strait  of  two  leagues' 
width  from  east  to  west,*  and  as  we  had  to 
pass  through  it  to  go  to  the  north,  we  found 

*  This  was  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  and  the  currents  were  oc 
casioned  by  the  river  Orinoco,  which  empties  into  it. 


120  LETTER    TO 

some  strong  currents  which  crossed  the  strait, 
and  which  made  a  great  roaring,  so  that  I  con 
cluded  there  must  be  a  reef  of  sand  or  rocks, 
which  would  preclude  our  entrance  ;  and  be 
hind  this  current  was  another  and  another,  all 
making  a  roaring  noise  like  the  sound  of 
breakers  against  the  rocks.  I  anchored  there, 
under  the  said  point  of  Arenal,  outside  of  the 
strait,  and  found  the  water  rush  from  east  to 
west  with  as  much  impetuosity  as  that  of  the 
Guadalquivir  at  its  conflux  with  the  sea  ;  and 
this  continued  constantly  day  and  night,  so 
that  it  appeared  to  be  impossible  to  move 
backward  for  the  current  or  forward  for  the 
shoals.  In  the  dead  of  night,  while  I  was  on 
deck,  I  heard  an  awful  roaring  that  came  from 
the  south,  toward  the  ship;  I  stopped  to  ob 
serve  what  it  might  be,  and  I  saw  the  sea  roll 
ing  from  west  to  east  like  a  mountain,  as  high 
as  the  ship,  and  approaching  by  little  and 
little  ;  on  the  top  of  this  rolling  sea  came  a 
mighty  wave  roaring  with  a  frightful  noise, 
and  with  all  this  terrific  uproar  were  other  con 
flicting  currents,  producing,  as  I  have  already 


FERDINAND    AND     ISABELLA  121 

said,  a  sound  as  of  breakers  upon  the  rocks. 
To  this  day  I  have  a  vivid  recollection  of  the 
dread  I  then  felt,  lest  the  ship  might  founder 
under  the  force  of  that  tremendous  sea  ;  but  it 
passed  by,  and  reached  the  mouth  of  the  before- 
mentioned  passage,  where  the  uproar  lasted 
for  a  considerable  time.  On  the  following  day 
I  sent  out  boats  to  take  soundings,  and  found 
that  in  the  strait,  at  the  deepest  part  of  the 
embouchure,  there  were  six  or  seven  fathoms 
of  water,  and  that  there  were  constant  contrary 
currents,  one  running  inward,  and  the  other 
outward.  It  pleased  the  Lord,  however,  to 
give  us  a  favorable  wind,  and  I  passed  through 
the  middle  of  the  strait,  after  which  I  recovered 
my  tranquillity.  The  men  happened  at  this 
time  to  draw  up  some  water  from  the  sea, 
which,  strange  to  say,  proved  to  be  fresh.  I 
then  sailed  northward  till  I  came  to  a  very 
high  mountain,  at  about  twenty-six  leagues 
from  the  Punta  del  Arenal ;  here  two  lofty 
headlands  appeared,  one  toward  the  east,  and 
forming  part  of  the  island  of  Trinidad,  and  the 
other,  on  the  west,  being  part  of  the  land 


R  A  P 


122  LETTER    TO 

which  I  have  already  called  Gracia  ;  we  found 
here  a  channel  still  narrower  than  that  of 
Arenal,  with  similar  currents,  and  a  tremen 
dous  roaring  of  water  ;  the  water  here  also  was 
fresh.  Hitherto  I  had  held  no  communication 
with  any  of  the  people  of  this  country,  although 
I  very  earnestly  desired  it;  I  therefore  sailed 
along  the  coast  westward,  and  the  further  I 
advanced,  the  fresher  and  more  wholesome  I 
found  the  water  ;  and  when  I  had  proceeded  a 
considerable  distance,  I  reached  a  spot  where 
the  land  appeared  to  be  cultivated.  There  I 
anchored,  and  sent  the  boats  ashore,  and  the 
men  who  went  in  them  found  the  natives  had 
already  left  the  place  ;  they  also  observed  that 
the  mountain  was  covered  with  monkeys. 
They  came  back,  and  as  the  coast  at  that  part 
presented  nothing  but  a  chain  of  mountains,  I 
concluded  that  further  west  we  should  find  the 
land  flatter,  and  consequently  in  all  probability 
inhabited.  Actuated  by  this  thought  I  weighed 
anchor,  and  ran  along  the  coast  until  we  came 
to  the  end  of  the  Cordillera  ;  I  then  anchored  at 
the  mouth  of  a  river,  and  we  were  soon  visited 


FERDINAND    AND     ISABELLA  123 

by  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants,  who  in 
formed  us  that  the  country  was  called  Paria, 
and  that  further  westward  it  was  more  fully 
peopled.  I  took  four  of  these  natives,  and 
proceeded  on  my  westward  voyage,  and  when 
I  had  gone  eight  leagues  further,  I  found  on 
the  other  side  of  a  point  which  I  called  the 
Needle,  one  of  the  most  lovely  countries  in  the 
world,  and  very  thickly  peopled ;  it  was  3 
o'clock  in  the  morning  when  I  reached  it,  and 
seeing  its  verdure  and  beauty,  I  resolved  to 
anchor  there  and  communicate  with  the  in 
habitants.  Some  of  the  natives  soon  came  out 
to  the  ship,  in  canoes,  to  beg  me,  in  the  name 
of  their  King,  to  go  on  shore;  and  when  they 
saw  that  I  paid  no  attention  to  them,  they 
came  to  the  ship  in  their  canoes  in  countless 
numbers,  many  of  them  wearing  pieces  of  gold 
on  their  breasts,  and  some  with  bracelets  of 
pearls  on  their  arms  ;  on  seeing  which  I  was 
much  delighted,  and  made  many  inquiries, 
with  the  view  of  learning  where  they  found 
them.  They  informed  me  that  they  were  to 
be  procured  in  their  own  neighborhood,  and 


124  LETTER    TO 

also  at  a  spot  to  the  northward  of  that  place. 
I  would  have  remained  here,  but  the  provisions 
of  corn,  and  wine,  and  meats,  which  I  had 
brought  out  with  so  much  care  for  the  people 
whom  I  had  left  behind,  were  nearly  wasted, 
so  that  all  my  anxiety  was  to  get  them  into  a 
place  of  safety,  and  not  to  stop  for  any  thing. 
I  wished,  however,  to  get  some  of  the  pearls 
that  I  had  seen,  and  with  that  view  sent  the 
boats  on  shore.  The  natives  are  very  numer 
ous,  and  for  the  most  part  handsome  in  person, 
and  of  the  same  color  as  the  Indians  we  had 
already  seen  ;  they  are,  moreover,  very  tract 
able,  and  received  our  men  who  went  on  shore 
most  courteously,  seeming  very  well  disposed 
toward  us.  These  men  relate,  that  when  the 
boats  reached  shore,  two  of  the  chiefs,  whom 
they  took  to  be  father  and  son,  came  forward 
in  advance  of  the  mass  of  the  people,  and  con 
ducted  them  to  a  very  large  house  with  facades, 
and  not  round  and  tent-shaped  as  the  other 
houses  were  ;  in  this  house  were  many  seats, 
on  which  they  made  our  men  sit  down,  they 
themselves  sitting  on  other  seats.  They  then 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  125 

caused  bread  to  be  brought,  with  many  kinds 
of  fruits,  and  various  sorts  of  wine,  both  white 
and  red,  not  made  of  grapes,  but  apparently 
produced  from  different  fruits.  The  most  rea 
sonable  inference  is,  that  they  use  maize, 
which  is  a  plant  that  bears  a  spine  like  an  ear 
of  wheat,  some  of  which  I  took  with  me  from 
Spain,  where  it  grows  abundantly ;  this  they 
seem  to  regard  as  most  excellent,  and  set  a 
great  value  upon  it.  The  men  remained  to 
gether  at  one  end  of  the  house,  and  the  women 
at  the  other.  Great  vexation  was  felt  by  both 
parties  that  they  could  not  understand  each 
other,  for  they  were  mutually  anxious  to  make 
inquiries  respecting  each  other's  country. 
After  our  men  had  been  entertained  at  the 
house  of  the  elder  Indian,  the  younger  took 
them  to  his  house,  and  gave  them  an  equally 
cordial  reception,  after  which  they  returned  to 
their  boats  and  came  on  board.  I  weighed 
anchor  forthwith,  for  I  was  hastened  by  my 
anxiety  to  save  the  provisions,  which  were  be 
coming  spoiled,  and  which  I  had  procured  and 
preserved  with  so  much  care  and  trouble,  as 


126  LETTER   TO 

well  as  to  attend  to  my  own  health,  which  had 
been  affected  by  long  watching;  and  although 
on  my  former  voyage,  when  I  discovered  terra 
firma,  I  passed  thirty-three  days  without  nat 
ural  rest,  and  was  all  that  time  deprived  of 
sight,  yet  never  were  my  eyes  so  much  affect 
ed  or  so  painful  as  at  this  period.  These  peo 
ple,  as  I  have  already  said,  are  very  graceful 
in  form — tall,  and  elegant  in  their  movements, 
wearing  their  hair  very  long  and  smooth  ;  they 
also  bind  their  heads  with  handsome  worked 
handkerchiefs,  which,  from  a  distance,  look 
like  silk  or  gauze;  others  use  the  same  mate 
rial  in  a  longer  form,  wound  round  them  so  as 
to  cover  them  like  trousers,  and  this  is  done 
by  both  the  men  and  the  women.  These  peo 
ple  are  of  a  whiter  skin  than  any  that  I  have 
seen  in  the  Indies.  It  is  the  fashion  among  all 
classes  to  wear  something  at  the  breast,  and 
on  the  arms,  and  many  wear  pieces  of  gold 
hanging  low  on  the  bosom.  Their  canoes  are 
larger,  lighter,  and  of  better  build  than  those 
of  the  islands  which  I  have  hitherto  seen,  and 
in  the  middle  of  each  they  have  a  cabin  or 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  I2/ 

room,  which  I  found  was  occupied  by  the 
chiefs  and  their  wives.  I  called  this  place 
"Jardines,"  that  is,  "the  Gardens,"  for  the 
place  and  the  people  corresponded  with  that 
appellation.  I  made  many  inquiries  as  to 
where  they  found  the  gold,  in  reply  to  which, 
all  of  them  directed  me  to  an  elevated  tract  of 
land  at  no  great  distance,  on  the  confines  of 
their  own  country,  lying  to  the  westward  ;  but 
they  all  advised  me  not  to  go  there,  for  fear  of 
being  eaten,  and  at  the  time  I  imagined  that 
by  their  description  they  wished  to  imply  that 
they  were  cannibals  who  dwelt  there,  but  I 
have  since  thought  it  possible  that  they  meant 
merely  to  express  that  the  country  was  filled 
with  beasts  of  prey.  I  also  inquired  of  them 
where  they  obtained  the  pearls  ?  and  in  reply 
to  this  question  likewise,  they  directed  me  to 
the  westward,  and  also  to  the  north,  behind 
the  country  they  occupied.  I  did  not  put  this 
information  to  the  test,  on  account  of  the  pro 
visions,  and  the  weakness  of  my  eyes,  and  be 
cause  the  large  ship  that  I  had  with  me  was 
not  calculated  for  such  an  undertaking-.  The 


128  LETTER    TO 

short  time  that  I  spent  with  them  was  all 
passed  in  putting  questions  ;  and  at  evening-, 
as  I  have  already  said,  we  returned  to  the 
ships,  upon  which  I  weighed  anchor  and  sailed 
to  the  westward.  I  proceeded  onward  on  the 
following  day,  until  I  found  that  we  were  only 
in  three  fathoms  water  ;  at  this  time  I  was  still 
under  the  idea  that  it  was  but  an  island,  and 
that  I  should  be  able  to  make  my  exit  by  the 
north.  Upon  which  I  sent  a  light  caravel  in 
advance  of  us,  to  see  whether  there  was  any 
exit,  or  whether  the  passage  was  closed  ;  the 
caravel  proceeded  a  great  distance,  until  it 
reached  a  very  large  gulf,  in  which  there  ap 
peared  to  be  four  smaller  gulfs,  from  one  of 
which  debouched  a  large  river  ;  they  invari 
ably  found  ground  at  five  fathoms,  and  a  great 
quantity  of  very  fresh  water  ;  indeed,  I  never 
tasted  any  equal  to  it.  I  felt  great  anxiety 
when  I  found  that  I  could  make  no  exit,  either 
by  the  north,  south,  or  west,  but  that  I  was 
enclosed  on  all  three  sides  by  land  ;  I  there 
fore  weighed  anchor,  and  sailed  in  a  backward 
direction,  with  the  hope  of  finding  a  passage  to 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  I2Q 

the  north  by  the  strait,  which  I  have  already 
described;  but  I  could  not  return  along  the  in 
habited  part  where  I  had  already  been,  on 
account  of  the  currents,  which  drove  me 
entirely  out  of  my  course.  But  constantly,  at 
every  headland,  I  found  the  water  sweet  and 
clear,  and  we  were  carried  eastward  very 
powerfully  toward  the  two  straits  already 
mentioned  ;  I  then  conjectured  that  the  cur 
rents  and  the  overwhelming  mountains  of 
water  which  rushed  into  these  straits  with 
such  an  awful  roaring,  arose  from  the  contest 
between  the  fresh  water  and  the  sea.  The 
fresh  water  struggled  with  the  salt  to  oppose 
its  entrance,  and  the  salt  contended  against 
the  fresh  in  its  efforts  to  gain  a  passage  out 
ward.  And  I  formed  the  conjecture,  that  at 
one  time  there  was  a  continuous  neck  of  land 
from  the  island  of  Trinidad  and  with  the  land 
of  Gracia,  where  the  two  straits  now  are,  as 
your  Highnesses  will  see,  by  the  drawing 
which  accompanies  this  letter.  I  passed  out 
by  this  northern  strait,  and  found  the  fresh 
water  came  even  there  ;  and  when,  by  the  aid 


130  LETTER    TO 

of  the  wind,  I  was  enabled  to  proceed,  I  re 
marked,  while  on  one  of  the  watery  billows 
which  I  have  described,  that  in  the  channel 
the  water  on  the  inner  side  of  the  current  was 
fresh,  and  on  the  outside  salt. 

When  I  sailed  from  Spain  to  the  Indies  I 
found  that,  as  soon  as  I  had  passed  a  hundred 
leagues  westward  of  the  Azores,  there  was  a 
very  great  change  in  the  sky  and  the  stars, 
in  the  temperature  of  the  air,  and  in  the  water 
of  the  sea;  and  I  have  been  very  diligent  in 
observing  these  things.  I  remarked  that  from 
north  to  south  in  traversing  these  hundred 
leagues  from  the  said  islands,  the  needle  of  the 
compass,  which  hitherto  had  turned  toward 
the  northeast,  turned  a  full  quarter  of  the  wind 
to  the  northwest,  and  this  took  place  from  the 
time  when  we  reached  that  line.  At  the  same 
time  an  appearance  was  presented  as  if  the  sea 
shore  had  been  transplanted  thither,  for  we 
found  the  sea  covered  all  over  with  a  sort  of 
weed  resembling  pine  branches,  and  with  fruits 
like  that  of  the  mastic  tree,  so  thick  that  on  my 
first  voyage  I  thought  it  was  a  reef,  and  that 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  131 

the  ships  could  not  avoid  running  aground; 
but  until  I  reached  this  line  I  did  not  meet 
with  a  single  bough.  I  also  observed  that  at 
this  point  the  sea  was  very  smooth,  and  that, 
though  the  wind  was  rough,  the  ships  never 
rolled.  I  likewise  found  that  within  the  same 
line  toward  the  west  the  temperature  was  al 
ways  mild,  and  that  it  did  not  vary,  summer  or 
winter.  While  I  was  there  I  observed  that  the 
north  star  described  a  circle  five  degrees  in 
diameter;  that  when  its  satellites  are  on  the 
right  side,  then  the  star  was  at  its  lowest  point, 
and  from  this  point  it  continues  until  it  reaches 
the  left  side,  where  it  is  also  at  five  degrees, 
and  then  again  it  sinks  until  it  at  length  returns 
to  the  right  side.  In  this  voyage  I  proceeded 
immediately  from  Spain  to  the  island  of  Ma 
deira,  thence  to  the  Canaries,  and  then  to  the 
Cape  Verd  Isles,  and  from  the  Cape  Verd 
Isles  I  sailed  southward,  even  below  the  equi 
noctial  line,  as  I  have  already  described.  When 
I  reached  the  parallel  of  Sierra  Leone,  in  Guinea, 
I  found  the  heat  so  intense  and  the  rays  of  the 
sun  so  fierce  that  I  thought  that  we  should 


132  LETTER    TO 

have  been  burnt;  and,  although  it  rained,  and 
the  sky  was  heavy  with  clouds,  I  still  suffered 
the  same  oppression  until  our  Lord  was  pleased 
to  grant  me  a  favorable  wind,  giving  me  an 
opportunity  of  sailing  to  the  west,  so  that  I 
reached  a  latitude  where  I  experienced,  as  I 
have  already  said,  a  change  in  the  tempera 
ture.  Immediately  upon  my  reaching  this  line 
the  temperature  of  the  sky  became  very  mild, 
and  the  more  I  advanced  the  more  this  mild 
ness  increased;  but  I  did  not  find  the  positions 
of  the  stars  correspond  with  these  effects.  I 
remarked  at  this  place  that  when  night  came 
on  the  polar  star  was  five  degrees  high,  and 
then  the  satellites  were  overhead;  afterward, 
at  midnight,  I  found  the  north  star  elevated 
ten  degrees,  and  when  morning  was  advancing, 
the  satellites  were  fifteen  feet  below.  I  found 
the  smoothness  of  the  sea  continue,  but  not  so 
the  weeds;  as  to  the  polar  star,  I  watched  it 
with  great  wonder,  and  devoted  many  nights 
to  a  careful  examination  of  it  with  the  quad 
rant,  and  I  always  found  that  the  lead  and  line 
fell  to  the  same  point.  I  look  upon  this  as 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  133 

something  new,  and  I  think  my  opinion  will 
be  supported  by  that  of  others,  and  it  is  a  short 
distance  for  so  great  a  change  to  take  place  in 
the  temperature.  I  have  always  read  that  the 
world,  comprising  the  land  and  the  water,  was 
spherical,  as  is  testified  by  the  investigations 
of  Ptolemy  and  others,  who  have  proved  it  by 
the  eclipses  of  the  moon,  and  other  observa 
tions  made  from  east  to  west,  as  well  as  by  the 
elevation  of  the  pole  from  north  to  south.  But 
I  have  now  seen  so  much  irregularity,  as  I 
have  already  described,  that  I  have  come  to 
another  conclusion  respecting  the  earth,  name 
ly:  that  it  is  not  round,  as  they  describe,  but 
of  the  form  of  a  pear,  which  is  very  round  ex 
cept  where  the  stalk  grows,  at  which  part  it  is 
most  prominent;  or  like  a  round  ball,  upon  one 
part  of  which  is  a  prominence  like  a  woman's 
nipple,  this  protrusion  being  the  highest  and 
nearest  the  sky,  situated  under  the  equinoctial 
line,  and  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  this  sea — 
I  call  that  the  eastern  extremity,  where  the 
land  and  the  islands  end.  In  confirmation  of 
my  opinion  I  revert  to  the  arguments  which  I 


134  LETTER    TO 

have  above  detailed  respecting-  the  line,  which 
passes  from  north  to  south  a  hundred  leagues 
westward  of  the  Azores;  for  in  sailing  thence 
westward  the  ships  went  on  rising  smoothly 
toward  the  sky,  and  then  the  weather  was  felt 
to  be  milder,  on  account  of  which  mildness  the 
needle  shifted  one  point  of  the  compass;  the 
further  we  went  the  more  the  needle  moved  to 
the  northwest,  this  elevation  producing  the 
variation  of  the  circle  which  the  north  star 
describes  with  its  satellites;  and  the  nearer  I 
approached  the  equinoctial  line  the  more  they 
rose,  and  the  greater  was  the  difference  be 
tween  these  stars  and  their  circles.  Ptolemy 
and  the  other  philosophers  who  have  written 
upon  the  globe  thought  that  it  was  spherical, 
believing  that  this  hemisphere  was  round  as  well 
as  that  in  which  they  themselves  dwelt,  the 
centre  of  which  was  in  the  island  of  Arin,  which 
is  under  the  equinoctial  line  between  the  Ara 
bian  Gulf  and  the  Gulf  of  Persia;  and  the  circle 
passes  over  Cape  St.  Vincent,  in  Portugal, 
westward  and  eastward,  by  Cangara  and  the 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  135 

Seras,*  in  which  hemisphere  I  make  no  diffi 
culty  as  to  its  being  a  perfect  sphere,  as  they 
describe;  but  this  western  half  of  the  world,  I 
maintain,  is  like  the  half  of  a  very  round  pear, 
having  a  raised  projection  for  the  stalk,  as  I 
have  already  described,  or  like  a  woman's  nip 
ple  on  a  round  ball.  Ptolemy  and  the  others 
who  have  written  upon  the  globe  had  no  in 
formation  respecting  this  part  of  the  world, 
which  was  then  unexplored;  they  only  estab 
lished  their  arguments  with  respect  to  their 
own  hemisphere,  which,  as  I  have  already  said, 
is  half  of  a  perfect  sphere.  And  now  that  your 
Highnesses  have  commissioned  me  to  make 
this  voyage  of  discovery,  the  truths  which  I 
have  stated  are  evidently  proved,  because  in 
this  voyage,  when  I  was  off  the  island  of  Har- 
gin,t  and  its  vicinity,  which  is  twenty  degrees 
to  the  north  of  the  equinoctial  line,  I  found  the 

*  Names  for  Japan  and  China,  according  to  Major,  but  he 
evidently  erred,  for  if  this  was  so,  Columbus  must  have 
reached  the  conclusion  that  he  was  not  in  the  Indies,  while 
he  died  firmly  convinced  that  the  lands  were  part  of  the 
East  Indies. 

f  Probably  Arguin,  on  the  African  coast. 


136  LETTER    TO 

people  are  black,  and  the  land  very  much  burnt ; 
and  when  after  that  I  went  to  the  Cape  Vcrd 
Islands,  I  found  the  people  there  much  darker 
still,  and  the  more  southward  we  went  the 
more  they  approach  the  extreme  of  blackness; 
so  that  when  I  reached  the  parallel  of  Sierra 
Leone,  where,  as  night  came  on,  the  north 
star  rose  five  degrees,  the  people  there  were 
excessively  black;  and,  as  I  sailed  westward, 
the  heat  became  extreme.  But  after  I  had 
passed  the  meridian  or  line  which  I  have  al 
ready  described,  I  found  the  climate  become 
gradually  more  temperate,  so  that  when  I 
reached  the  island  of  Trinidad,  where  the  north 
star  rose  five  degrees  as  night  came  on,  there 
and  in  the  land  of  Gracia  I  found  the  temper 
ature  exceedingly  mild;  the  fields  and  the  foli 
age  likewise  were  remarkably  fresh  and  green, 
and  as  beautiful  as  the  gardens  of  Valencia  in 
April.  The  people  there  are  very  graceful  in 
form,  less  dark  than  those  whom  I  had  before 
seen  in  the  Indies,  and  wear  their  hair  long  and 
smooth;  they  are  also  more  shrewd,  intelligent 
and  courageous.  The  sun  was  then  in  the  sign 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  137 

of  Virgo,  over  our  heads  and  theirs;  therefore 
all  this  must  proceed  from  the  extreme  bland- 
ness  of  the  temperature,  which  arises,  as  I  have 
said,  from  this  country  being  the  most  elevated 
in  the  world,  and  the  nearest  to  the  sky.  On 
these  grounds,  therefore,  I  affirm  that  the  globe 
is  not  spherical,  but  that  there  is  the  difference 
in  its  form  which  I  have  described;  the  which 
is  to  be  found  in  this  hemisphere  at  the  point 
where  the  Indies  meet  the  ocean,  the  extrem 
ity  of  the  hemisphere  being  below  the  equinoc 
tial  line.  And  a  great  confirmation  of  this  is, 
that  when  our  Lord  made  the  sun,  the  first 
light  appeared  in  the  first  point  of  the  east, 
where  the  most  elevated  point  of  the  globe  is; 
and,  although  it  was  the  opinion  of  Aristotle 
that  the  antarctic  pole,  or  the  land  which  is 
below  it,  was  the  highest  part  of  the  world, 
and  the  nearest  to  the  heavens,  other  philos 
ophers  oppose  him,  and  say  that  the  highest 
part  was  below  the  arctic  pole,  by  which  rea 
soning  it  appears  that  they  understood  that 
one  part  of  the  world  ought  to  be  loftier  and 
nearer  the  sky  than  the  other;  but  it  never 


138  LETTER    TO 

struck  them  that  it  might  be  under  the  equi 
noctial  in  the  way  that  I  have  said,  which  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  because  they  had  no 
certain  knowledge  respecting  this  hemisphere, 
but  merely  vague  suppositions,  for  no  one  has 
ever  gone  or  been  sent  to  investigate  the  mat 
ter  until  your  Highnesses  sent  me  to  explore 
both  the  sea  and  the  land.  I  found  that  be 
tween  the  two  straits  which,  as  I  have  said  be 
fore,  face  each  other  in  a  line  from  north  to 
south,  is  a  distance  of  twenty-six  leagues;  and 
there  can  be  no  mistake  in  this  calculation,  be 
cause  it  was  made  with  the  quadrant.  I  also 
find  that  from  these  two  straits  on  the  west,  up 
to  the  above-mentioned  gulf,  to  which  I  gave 
the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  Pearls,  there  are  sixty- 
eight  leagues  of  four  miles  to  the  league,  which 
is  the  reckoning  we  are  accustomed  to  make 
at  sea;  from  this  gulf  the  water  runs  constant 
ly,  with  great  impetuosity,  toward  the  east, 
and  this  is  the  cause  why  in  these  two  straits 
there  is  so  fierce  a  turmoil  from  the  fresh  water 
encountering  the  water  of  the  sea.  In  the  south 
ern  strait,  which  I  named  the  Serpent's  Mouth, 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  139 

I  found  that  toward  evening  the  polar  star 
was  nearly  at  five  degrees  elevation;  and  in 
the  northern,  which  I  called  the  Dragon's 
Mouth,  it  was  at  an  elevation  of  nearly  seven 
degrees.  The  before-mentioned  Gulf  of  Pearls 
is  to  the  west  of  the  *  of  Ptolemy,  nearly 
three  thousand  nine  hundred  miles,  which  make 
nearly  seventy  equinoctial  degrees,  reckoning 
fifty-six  and  two-thirds  to  a  degree.  The  Holy 
Scriptures  record  that  our  Lord  made  the 
earthly  paradise  and  planted  in  it  the  tree  of 
life,  and  thence  springs  a  fountain  from  which 
the  four  principal  rivers  in  the  world  take  their 
source,  namely:  the  Ganges,  in  India,  the  Ti 
gris  and  Euphrates  in  t  which  rivers  divide 
a  chain  of  mountains,  and  forming  Mesopo 
tamia,  flow  thence  into  Persia — and  the  Nile, 
which  rises  in  Ethiopia  and  falls  into  the  sea 
at  Alexandria. 

I  do  not  find,  nor  have  ever  found,  any  ac 
count  by  the  Romans  or  Greeks  which  fixes  in 
a  positive  manner  the  site  of  the  terrestrial 

*  Words  lacking  in  original  MS. 
f  Words  lacking  in  original  MS. 


140  LETTER    TO 

paradise,  neither  have  I  seen  it  given  in  any 
mappe  -  monde  laid  down  from  authentic 
sources.  Some  place  it  in  Ethiopia,  at  the 
sources  of  the  Nile,  but  others,  traversing  all 
these  countries,  found  neither  the  temperature 
nor  the  altitude  of  the  sun  correspond  with 
their  ideas  respecting  it;  nor  did  it  appear  that 
the  overwhelming  waters  of  the  deluge  had 
been  there.  Some  pagans  pretended  to  adduce 
arguments  to  establish  that  it  was  in  the  For 
tunate  Islands,  now  called  the  Canaries,  etc. 

St.  Isidore,  Bede,  Strabo,  and  the  master  of 
scholastic  history,*  with  St.  Ambrose,  and 
Scotus,  and  all  the  learned  theologians  agree 
that  the  earthly  paradise  is  in  the  east,  etc. 

I  have  already  described  my  ideas  concern 
ing  this  hemisphere  and  its  form,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  that  if  I  could  pass  below  the  equinoc 
tial  line,  after  reaching  the  highest  point  of 
which  I  have  spoken,  I  should  find  a  much 
milder  temperature,  and  a  variation  in  the  stars 
and  in  the  waters;  not  that  I  suppose  that  ele 
vated  point  to  be  navigable,  nor  even  that  there 

*  Petrus  Comestor,  author  of  the  Historia  Scholastica. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  14! 

is  water  there;  indeed,  I  believe  it  is  impos 
sible  to  ascend  thither,  because  I  am  convinced 
that  it  is  the  spot  of  the  earthly  paradise, 
whither  no  one  can  go  but  by  God's  permission; 
but  this  land  which  your  Highnesses  have  now 
sent  me  to  explore  is  very  extensive,  and  I 
think  there  are  many  other  countries  in  the 
south  of  which  the  world  has  never  had  any 
knowledge. 

I  do  not  suppose  that  the  earthly  paradise  is 
in  the  form  of  a  rugged  mountain,  as  the  de- 

o  o 

scriptions  of  it  have  made  it  appear,  but  that  it 
is  on  the  summit  of  the  spot  which  I  have  de 
scribed  as  being  in  the  form  of  the  stalk  of  a  pear; 
the  approach  of  it  from  a  distance  must  be  by  a 
constant  and  gradual  ascent;  but  I  believe  that, 
as  I  have  already  said,  no  one  could  ever  reach 
the  top;  I  think  also  that  the  water  I  have  de 
scribed  may  proceed  from  it,  though  it  be  far 
off,  and  that,  stopping  at  the  place  which  I  have 
just  left,  it  forms  this  lake.  There  are  great  in 
dications  of  this  being  the  terrestrial  paradise, 
for  its  site  coincides  with  the  opinion  of  the 
holy  and  wise  theologians  whom  I  have  men- 


142  LETTER    TO 

tioned;  and  moreover,  the  other  evidences 
agree  with  the  supposition,  for  I  have  never 
either  read  or  heard  of  fresh  water  coming  in 
so  large  a  quantity  in  close  conjunction  witli 
the  water  of  the  sea;  the  idea  is  also  corrobo 
rated  by  the  blandness  of  the  temperature;  and 
if  the  water  of  which  I  speak  does  not  proceed 
from  the  earthly  paradise,  it  appears  to  be  still 
more  marvelous,  for  I  do  not  believe  that  there 
is  any  river  in  the  world  so  large  or  so  deep. 

When  I  left  the  Dragon's  Mouth,  which  is 
the  northernmost  of  the  two  straits  which  I 
have  described,  and  which  I  so  named  on  the 
day  of  our  Lady  of  August,  I  found  that  the 
sea  ran  so  strongly  to  the  westward  that  be 
tween  the  hour  of  mass,  when  I  weighed  an 
chor,  and  the  hour  of  complines  I  made  sixty- 
five  leagues  of  four  miles  each;  and  not  only 
was  the  wind  not  violent,  but  on  the  contrary 
very  gentle,  which  confirmed  me  in  the  con 
clusion  that  in  sailing  southward  there  is  a  con 
tinuous  ascent,  while  there  is  a  corresponding 
descent  toward  the  north. 

I  hold  it  for   certain  that  the  waters  of  the 


FERDINAND    AND     ISABELLA  143 

sea  move  from  east  to  west  with  the  sky,  and 
that  in  passing  this  track  they  hold  a  more 
rapid  course,  and  have  thus  carried  away  large 
tracts  of  land,  and  that  from  hence  has  resulted 
this  great  number  of  islands;  indeed,  these 
islands  themselves  afford  an  additional  proof 
of  it,  for  all  of  them,  without  exception,  run 
lengthwise  from  west  to  east,  and  from  the 
northwest  to  the  southeast,  which  is  in  a  directly 
contrary  direction  to  the  said  winds;  further 
more,  that  these  islands  should  possess  the 
most  costly  productions  is  to  be  accounted  for 
by  the  mild  temperature,  which  comes  to  them 
from  heaven,  since  these  are  the  most  elevated 
parts  of  the  world.  It  is  true  that  in  some 
parts  the  waters  do  not  appear  to  take  this 
course,  but  this  occurs  in  certain  spots,  where 
they  are  obstructed  by  land,  and  hence  they 
appear  to  take  different  directions. 

Pliny  writes  that  the  sea  and  land  together 
form  a  sphere,  but  that  the  ocean  forms  the 
greatest  mass,  and  lies  uppermost,  while  the 
earth  is  below  and  supports  the  ocean,  and  that 
the  two  afford  a  mutual  support  to  each  other, 


144  LETTER   TO 

as  the  kernel  of  a  nut  is  confined  by  its  shell. 
The  master  of  scholastic  history,  in  commenting 
upon  Genesis,  says  that  the  waters  are  not  very 
extensive;  and  that  although,  when  they  were 
first  created  they  covered  the  earth,  they  were 
yet  vaporous  like  a  cloud,  and  that  afterward 
they  became  condensed,  and  occupied  but 
small  space,  and  in  this  notion  Nicolas  cle  Lira 
agrees.  Aristotle  says  that  the  world  is  small, 
and  the  water  very  limited  in  extent,  and  that 
it  is  easy  to  pass  from  Spain  to  the  Indies;  and 
this  is  confirmed  by  Avenruyz,*  and  by  the 
Cardinal  Pedro  de  Aliaco,t  who,  in  supporting 
this  opinion,  shows  that  it  agrees  with  that  of 
Seneca,  and  says  that  Aristotle  had  been 
enabled  to  gain  information  respecting  the 
world  by  means  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and 
Seneca  by  means  of  Nero,  and  Pliny  through 
the  Romans;  all  of  them  having  expended 

*  Averrhoes,  an  Arabian  philosopher  of  the  twelfth  cen 
tury. 

f  Better  known  as  Pierre  D'Ailly — author  of  the  Ymago 
Mundi,  stolen  largely  from  Roger  Bacon,  and  which  sup 
plied  Columbus  with  so  much  of  his  geographical  knowl 
edge. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  145 

large  sums  of  money,  and  employed  a  vast 
number  of  people,  in  diligent  inquiry  concern 
ing  the  secrets  of  the  world,  and  in  spreading 
abroad  the  knowledge  thus  obtained.  The  said 
cardinal  allows  to  these  writers  greater  au 
thority  than  to  Ptolemy,  and  other  Greeks  and 
Arabs;  and  in  confirmation  of  their  opinion 
concerning  the  small  quantity  of  water  on  the 
surface  of  the  globe,  and  the  limited  amount  of 
land  covered  by  that  water,  in  comparison  of 
what  had  been  related  on  the  authority  of 
Ptolemy  and  his  disciples,  he  finds  a  passage 
in  the  third  book  of  Esdras,  where  that  sacred 
writer  says,  that  of  seven  parts  of  the  world  six 
arc  discovered,  and  the  other  is  covered  with 
water.  The  authority  of  the  third  and  fourth 
books  of  Esclras  is  also  confirmed  by  holy  per 
sons,  such  as  St.  Augustine,  and  St.  Ambrose 
in  his  Exameron,  where  he  says,  "  Here  my 
son  Jesus  shall  first  come,  and  here  my  son 
Christ  shall  die  !  "  These  holy  men  say  that 
Esdras  was  a  prophet,  as  well  as  Zacharias,  the 
father  of  St.  John,  an'd  El  Braso  Simon;  authori 
ties  which  arc  also  quoted  by  Francis  de  Mai- 


146  LETTER    TO 

rones.  With  respect  to  the  dryncss  of  the  land, 
experience  has  shown  that  it  is  greater  than  is 
commonly  believed;  and  this  is  no  wonder,  for 
the  further  one  goes  the  more  one  learns.  I 
now  return  to  my  subject  of  the  land  of  Gracia, 
and  of  the  river  and  lake  found  there,  which 
latter  might  more  properly  be  called  a  sea;  for 
a  lake  is  but  a  small  expanse  of  water,  which, 
when  it  becomes  great,  deserves  the  name  of  a 
sea,  just  as  we  speak  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  and 
the  Dead  Sea;  and  I  think  that  if  the  river  men 
tioned  does  not  proceed  from  the  terrestrial 
paradise,  it  comes  from  an  immense  tract  of 
land  situated  in  the  south,  of  which  no  knowl 
edge  has  been  hitherto  obtained.  But  the  more 
I  reason  on  the  subject,  the  more  satisfied  I 
become  that  the  terrestrial  paradise  is  situated 
in  the  spot  I  have  described;  and  I  ground  my 
opinion  upon  the  arguments  and  authorities  al 
ready  quoted.  May  it  please  the  Lord  to  grant 
your  Highnesses  a  long  life,  and  health  and 
peace  to  follow  out  so  noble  an  investigation; 
in  which- 1  think  our  Lord  will  receive  great 
service,  Spain  considerable  increase  of  its  great- 


FERDINAND    AND     ISABELLA  147 

ness,  and  all  Christians  much  consolation  and 
pleasure,  because  by  this  means  the  name  of 
our  Lord  will  be  published  abroad. 

In  all  the  countries  visited  by  your  High- 
nesses'  ships,  I  have  caused  a  high  cross  to  be 
fixed  upon  every  headland,  and  have  proclaim 
ed  to  every  nation  that  I  have  discovered  the 
lofty  estate  of  your  Highnesses,  and  of  your 
court  in  Spain.  I  also  tell  them  all  I  can  re 
specting  our  holy  faith  and  of  the  belief  in  the 
holy  mother  Church,  which  has  its  members  in 
all  the  world ;  and  I  speak  to  them  also  of  the 
courtesy  and  nobleness  of  all  Christians,  and 
of  the  faith  they  have  in  the  Holy  Trinity. 
May  it  please  the  Lord  to  forgive  those  who 
have  calumniated  and  still  calumniate  this  ex 
cellent  enterprise,  and  oppose,  and  have  op 
posed  its  advancement,  without  considering 
how  much  glory  and  greatness  will  accrue  from 
it  to  your  Highnesses  throughout  all  the  world. 
They  cannot  state  anything  in  disparagement 
of  it,  except  its  expense,  and  that  I  have  not 
immediately  sent  back  the  ships  loaded  with 
gold.  They  speak  this  without  considering  the 


148  LETTER    TO 

shortness  of  the  time,  and  how  many  difficul 
ties  there  are  to  contend  with;  and  that  every 
year  there  are  individuals  who  singly  earn  by 
their  deserts  out  of  your  Majesties'  own  house 
hold  more  revenue  than  would  cover  the  whole 
of  this  expense.  Nor  do  they  remember  that 
the  princes  of  Spain  have  never  gained  posses 
sion  of  any  land  out  of  their  own  country,  un 
til  now  that  your  Highnesses  have  become  the 
masters  of  another  world,  where  our  holy  faith 
may  become  so  much  increased,  and  whence 
such  stores  of  wealth  may  be  derived;  for  al 
though  we  have  not  sent  home  ships  laden  with 
gold,  we  have,  nevertheless,  sent  satisfactory 
samples,  both  of  gold  and  of  other  valuable 
commodities,  by  which  it  may  be  judged  that  in 
a  short  time  large  profits  may  be  derived. 
Neither  do  they  take  into  consideration  the 
noble  spirit  of  the  princes  of  Portugal,  who  so 
long  ago  carried  into  execution  the  exploration 
of  Guinea,  and  still  follow  it  up  along  the  coast 
of  Africa,  in  which  one-half  of  the  population 
of  the  country  has  been  employed,  and  yet  the 
King  is  more  determined  on  the  enterprise  than 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  149 

ever.  The  Lord  grant  all  that  I  have  said,  and 
lead  them  to  think  deeply  upon  what  I  have 
written;  which  is  not  the  thousandth  part  of  what 
might  be  written  of  the  deeds  of  princes  who 
have  set  their  minds  upon  gaining  knowledge, 
and  upon  obtaining  territory  and  keeping  it. 

I  say  all  this,  not  because  I  doubt  the  inclina 
tion  of  your  Highnesses  to  pursue  the  enterprise 
while  you  live — for  I  rely  confidently  on  the 
answers  your  Highnesses  once  gave  me  by 
word  of  mouth — nor  because  I  have  seen  any 
change  in  your  Highnesses,  but  from  the  fear 
of  what  I  have  heard  from  those  of  whom  I 
have  been  speaking;  for  I  know  that  water 
dropping  on  a  stone  will  at  length  make  a  hole. 
Your  Highnesses  responded  to  me  with  that 
nobleness  of  feeling  which  all  the  world  knows 
you  to  possess,  and  told  me  to  pay  no  atten 
tion  to  these  calumniations;  for  that  your  in 
tention  was  to  follow  up  and  support  the  under 
taking,  even  if  nothing  were  gained  by  it  but 
stones  and  sand.  Your  Highnesses  also  de 
sired  me  to  be  in  no  way  anxious  about  the 
expense,  for  that  much  greater  cost  had  been 


150  LETTER    TO 

incurred  on  much  more  trifling  matters,  and 
that  you  considered  all  the  past  and  future  as 
well  laid  out;  for  that  your  Highnesses  believed 
that  our  holy  faith  would  be  increased,  and 
your  royal  dignity  enhanced,  and  that  they 
were  no  friends  of  the  royal  estate  who  spoke 
ill  of  the  enterprise. 

And  now,  during  the  despatch  of  the  informa 
tion  respecting  these  lands  which  I  have 
recently  discovered,  and  where  I  believe  in  my 
soul  that  the  earthly  paradise  is  situated,  the 
"  Adelantado "  will  proceed  with  three  ships, 
well  stocked  with  provisions,  on  a  further  in 
vestigation,  and  will  make  all  the  discoveries 
he  can  about  these  parts.  Meanwhile,  I  shall 
send  your  Highnesses  this  letter,  accompanied 
by  a  drawing  of  the  country,  and  your  Majes 
ties  will  determine  on  what  is  to  be  done,  and 
give  your  orders  as  to  how  it  is  your  pleasure 
that  I  should  proceed:  the  which,  by  the  aid 
of  the  Holy  Trinity,  shall  be  carried  into  exe 
cution  with  all  possible  diligence,  in  the  faith 
ful  service  and  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  your 
Majesties.  Deo  Gratias  ! 


JUANA   BE    LA   TORRES 


LETTER  TO  JUANA  DE  LA  TORRES* 

A/TOST  VIRTUOUS  LADY:  Although 
-L» -I-  it  is  a  novelty  for  me  to  complain  of 
the  ill-usage  of  the  world,  it  is,  nevertheless,  no 
novelty  for  the  world  to  practice  ill-usage. 
Innumerable  are  the  contests  which  I  have 
had  with  it,  and  I  have  resisted  all  its  attacks 
until  now,  when  I  find  that  neither  strength  nor 
prudence  is  of  any  avail  to  me:  it  has  cruelly 
reduced  me  to  the  lowest  ebb.  Hope  in  Him 
who  has  created  us  all  is  my  support :  His  as 
sistance  I  have  always  found  near  at  hand. 
On  one  occasion,  not  long  since,  He  supported 

*  The  former  nurse  of  Prince  Don  John.  Major  thinks 
this  letter  was  written  when  Columbus  was  nearing  Cadiz, 
which  he  reached  Nov.  25,  1500;  but  from  the  question  in 
his  mind  (shown  in  the  last  paragraph),  as  to  whether  he 
was  to  be  tried  in  the  Indies  or  in  Spain,  it  must  clearly 
have  been  written  in  San  Domingo,  before  he  started.  He 
was  certainly  under  arrest,  and  perhaps  in  chains.  The 
translation  is  by  R.  H.  Major,  and  is  printed  in  his  Select 
Letters  of  Christopher  Columbus,  .  .  .  London,  1847.  The 
original  text  is  in  Navarrete's  Colecdon  de  los  Viages,  .  .  . 
Madrid,  1825. 


152  LETTER    TO 

me  with  His  Divine  arm,  saying:  "O  man  of 
little  faith,  arise,  it  is  I,  be  not  afraid."  I  of 
fered  myself  with  such  earnest  devotion  to  the 
service  of  the  princes,  and  I  have  served  them 
with  a  fidelity  hitherto  unequaled  and  unheard 
of.  God  made  me  the  messenger  of  the  new 
heaven  and  the  new  earth,  of  which  He  spoke 
in  the  Apocalypse  by  St.  John,  after  having 
spoken  of  it  by  the  mouth  of  Isaiah;  and  He 
showed  me  the  spot  where  to  find  it.  All 
proved  incredulous,  except  the  Queen,  my 
mistress,  to  whom  the  Lord  gave  the  spirit  of 
intelligence  and  the  necesssary  courage,  and 
made  her  the  heiress  of  all,  as  a  dear  and  well- 
beloved  daughter.  I  went  to  take  possession 
of  it  in  her  royal  name.  All  wished  to  cover 
the  ignorance  in  which  they  were  sunk,  by 
enumerating  the  inconveniences  and  expense 
of  the  proposed  enterprise.  Her  Highness 
held  the  contrary  opinion,  and  supported  it 
with  all  her  power.  Seven  years  passed  away 
in  deliberations,  and  nine  have  been  spent  in 
accomplishing  things  truly  memorable,  and 
worthy  of  being  preserved  in  the  history  of  man. 


JUANA    DE    LA    TORRES  153 

I  have  now  reached  that  point,  that  there  is 
no  man  so  vile  but  thinks  it  his  right  to  insult 
me.  The  day  will  come  when  the  world  will 
reckon  it  as  a  virtue  to  him  who  has  not  given 
his  consent  to  their  abuse.  If  I  had  plundered 
the  Indies,  even  to  the  country  where  is  the 
fabled  altar  of  St.  Peter's,  and  had  given  them 
all  to  the  Moors,  they  could  not  have  shown 
toward  me  more  bitter  enmity  than  they  have 
done  in  Spain.  Who  would  believe  such  things 
in  a  country  where  there  has  always  been  so 
much  magnanimity  ?  I  desire  earnestly  to 
clear  myself  of  this  affair,  if  only  I  had  the 
means  of  doing  so  face  to  face  with  my  Queen. 
The  support  which  I  have  found  in  our  Lord 
and  in  her  Highness  has  made  me  persevere  ; 
and  I  would  fain  cause  her  to  forget  a  little  the 
griefs  which  death  has  occasioned  her.*  I 
undertook  another  voyage  to  the  new  heavens 
and  new  earth,  which  had  been  hidden  hither 
to  ;  and  if  these  arc  not  appreciated  in  Spain, 
like  the  other  parts  of  the  Indies,  it  is  not  at  all 
wonderful,  since  it  is  to  my  labors  that  they 

*  The  death  of  her  son,  Prince  John. 


154  LETTER    TO 

are  indebted  for  them.  The  Holy  Spirit  en 
compassed  St.  Peter,  and  the  rest  of  the  twelve, 
who  all  had  conflicts  here  below  ;  they  wrought 
many  works,  they  suffered  great  fatigues,  and 
at  last  they  obtained  the  victory.  I  believed 
that  this  voyage  to  Paria  would  in  some  de 
gree  pacify  them,  because  of  the  pearls  and 
the  discovery  of  gold  in  the  island  of  Espanola. 
I  left  orders  for  the  people  to  fish  for  pearls, 
and  collect  them  together,  and  made  an  agree 
ment  with  them  that  I  should  return  for  them  ; 
and  I  was  given  to  understand  that  the  supply 
would  be  abundant. 

If  I  have  not  written  respecting  this  to  their 
Highnesses,  it  is  because  I  wished  first  to  ren 
der  an  equally  favorable  account  of  the  gold  ; 
but  it  has  happened  with  this  as  with  many 
other  things;  I  should  not  have  lost  them, 
and  with  them  my  honor,  if  I  had  been  only 
occupied  about  my  own  private  interests,  and 
had  suffered  Espanola  to  be  lost,  or  even  if 
they  had  respected  my  privileges  and  the 
treaties.  I  say  the  same  with  regard  to  the 
gold  which  I  had  then  collected,  and  which  I 


JUANA    DE    LA   TORRES  155 

have  brought  in  safety,  by  Divine  grace,  after 
so  much  loss  of  life,  and  such  excessive  fa 
tigues. 

In  the  voyage  which  I  made  by  way  of  Paria, 
I  found  nearly  half  the  colonists  of  Espariola 
in  a  state  of  revolt,  *  and  they  have  made  war 
upon  me  until  now  as  if  I  had  been  a  Moor; 
while  on  the  other  side,  I  had  to  contend  with 
no  less  cruel  Indians.  Then  arrived  Hojeda,t 
and  he  attempted  to  put  the  seal  to  all  these 
disorders  ;  he  said  that  their  Highnesses  had 
sent  him,  with  promises  of  presents,  of  im 
munities,  and  treaties  ;  he  collected  a  numer- 


*  From  the  rule  of  Bartholomew  Columbus,  who,  in  the 
absence  of  his  brother,  acted  in  his  stead.  The  character 
of  the  people  whom  Columbus  was  called  upon  to  govern 
can  be  judged  by  the  requisition  for  colonists  sent  by  the 
King  and  Queen  to  the  "  council,  auditors,  alcaldes,  bailiffs, 
magistrates,  knights,  esquires,  officers,  and  good  men  .  .  . 
of  our  kingdoms"  ordering  them  "  that  all  and  every  per 
son  .  .  .  who  may  have  committed,  up  to  the  day  of  the 
publication  of  this  our  letter,  any  murders  and  offenses, 
and  other  crimes  of  whatever  nature  and  quality  they  may 
be  ...  shall  go  and  serve  in  person  in  Hispaniola."  And 
yet,  because  order  was  not  maintained,  we  are  seriously 
told  that  Columbus  was  a  bungling  and  poor  governor. 

f  Alonzo  de  Hojeda. 


156  LETTER   TO 

ous  band,  for  in  the  whole  island  of  Espariola 
there  were  few  men  who  were  not  vagabonds, 
and  there  were  none  who  had  either  wife  or 
children.  This  Hojeda  troubled  me  much,  but 
he  was  obliged  to  retreat,  and  at  his  departure 
he  said  that  he  would  return  with  more  ships 
and  men,  and  reported,  also,  that  he  had  left 
the  Queen  at  the  point  of  death.  In  the  mean 
while,  Vincent  Yanez*  came  with  four  caravels; 
and  there  were  some  tumults  and  suspicions, 
but  no  further  evil.  The  Indians  reported 
many  other  caravels  to  the  cannibals,  and  in 
Paria  ;  and  afterward  spread  the  news  of  the 
arrival  of  six  other  caravels,  commanded  by  a 
brother  of  the  alcalde;  but  this  was  from  pure 
malice  ;  when  at  last  the  hope  was  lost  that 
their  Highnesses  would  send  any  more  ships 
to  the  Indies,  and  we  no  longer  expected  them, 
and  when  it  was  said  openly  that  her  Highness 
(the  Queen)  was  dead.  At  this  time,  one 
Adrian  t  attempted  a  new  revolt,  as  he  had 
done  before  ;  but  our  Lord  did  not  permit  his 

*  This  was  the  commander  of  the  Nina  in  the  first  voyage. 
f  Adrian  Mogica. 


JUANA    DE    LA   TORRES  157 

evil  designs  to  succeed.  I  had  determined 
not  to  inflict  punishment  on  any  person,  but 
his  ingratitude  obliged  me,  however  regret 
fully,  to  abandon  this  resolution.  I  should  not 
have  acted  otherwise  with  my  own  brother,  if 
he  had  sought  to  assassinate  me,  and  to  rob 
me  of  the  lordship  which  my  sovereigns  had 
given  to  my  keeping.  This  Adrian,  as  is  now 
evident,  had  sent  Don  Ferdinand  to  Xaragua, 
to  assemble  some  of  his  partisans,  and  had 
some  discussions  with  the  alcalde,  which  ended 
in  violence,  but  all  without  any  good.  The 
alcalde  seized  him  and  a  part  of  his  band,  and, 
in  fact,  executed  justice  without  my  having 
ordered  it.  While  they  were  in  prison  they 
were  expecting  a  caravel,  in  which  they  hoped 
to  embark  ;  but  the  news  of  what  had  happen 
ed  to  Hojeda,  and  which  I  told  them,  deprived 
them  of  the  hope  that  he  would  arrive  in  this 
ship.  It  is  now  six  months  that  I  have  been 
ready  to  leave,  to  bring  to  their  Highnesses 
the  good  news  of  the  gold,  and  to  give  up  the 
government  of  these  dissolute  people,  who  fear 
neither  their  King-  nor  Queen,  but  are  full  of 


158  LETTER    TO 

imbecility  and  malice.  I  should  have  been 
able  to  pay  every  one  with  six  hundred  thou 
sand  maravedis,  and  for  this  purpose  there 
were  four  millions  and  more  of  the  tithes, 
without  reckoning  the  third  part  of  the  gold. 

Before  my  departure  (from  Spain),  I  have 
often  entreated  their  Highnesses  to  send  to 
these  parts,  at  my  expense,  some  one  charged 
to  administer  justice  ;  and  since,  when  I  found 
the  alcalde  in  a  state  of  revolt,  I  have  besought 
them  afresh  to  send  at  least  one  of  their  ser 
vants  with  letters,  because  I  myself  have  had 
so  strange  a  character  given  to  me,  that  if  I 
were  to  build  churches  or  hospitals  they  would 
call  them  caves  for  robbers.  Their  Highnesses 
provided  for  this  at  last,  but  in  a  manner  quite 
unequal  to  the  urgency  of  the  circumstances  ; 
however,  let  that  point  rest,  since  such  is  their 
good  pleasure.  I  remained  two  years  in  Spain 
without  being  able  to  obtain  anything  for  my 
self,  or  those  who  came  with  me,  but  this  man 
has  gained  for  himself  a  full  purse  :  God  knows 
if  all  will  be  employed  for  His  service.  Al 
ready,  to  begin  with,  there  is  a  revenue  for 


JUANA    BE    LA    TORRES  159 

twenty  years,  which  is,  according  to  man's 
calculation,  an  age  ;  and  they  gather  gold  in 
such  abundance  that  there  are  people  who,  in 
four  hours,  have  found  the  equivalent  of  five 
marks;  but  I  will  speak  on  this  subject  more 
fully  hereafter.  If  their  Highnesses  would  con 
descend  to  silence  the  popular  rumors,  which 
have  gained  credence  among  those  who  know 
what  fatigues  I  have  sustained,  it  would  be  a 
real  charity  ;  for  calumny  has  clone  me  more 
injury  than  the  services  which  I  have  rendered 
to  their  Highnesses,  and  the  care  with  which 
I  have  preserved  their  property  and  their  gov 
ernment,  have  done  me  good  ;  and,  by  their 
so  doing,  I  should  be  reestablished  in  reputa 
tion,  and  spoken  of  throughout  the  universe  ; 
for  the  things  which  I  have  accomplished  are 
such,  that  they  must  gain,  day  by  day,  in  the 
estimation  of  mankind. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  commander  Bobadil- 
la*  arrived  at  St.  Domingo,  at  which  time  I  was 

*  Francisco  de  Bobadilla,  sent  from  Spain  with  a  royal 
commission  to  endeavor  to  restore  peace  and  order  to  the 
colony. 


l6o  LETTER    TO 

at  La  Vega,  and  the  Adelantado  at  Xaragua, 
where  this  Adrian  had  made  his  attempt;  but 
by  that  time  everything  was  quiet,  the  land  was 
thriving,  and  the  people  at  peace.  The  second 
day  of  his  arrival  he  declared  himself  governor, 
created  magistrates,  ordered  executions,  pub 
lished  immunities  from  the  collection  of  gold 
and  from  the  paying  of  tithes;  and,  in  fine,  an 
nounced  a  general  franchise  for  twenty  years, 
which  is,  as  I  have  said,  the  calculation  of  an 
age.  He  also  gave  out  that  he  was  going  to 
pay  every  one,  although  they  had  not  even 
done  the  service  which  was  clue  up  to  that  clay; 
and  he  further  proclaimed,  with  respect  to  me, 
that  he  would  send  me  back  loaded  with  chains, 
and  my  brother  also  (this  he  has  accom 
plished);  and  that  neither  I,  nor  any  of  my 
family,  should  return  forever  to  these  lands; 
and,  in  addition  to  this,  he  made  innumerable 
unjust  and  disgraceful  charges  against  me.  All 
this  took  place,  as  I  have  said,  on  the  very  day 
after  his  arrival,  at  which  time  I  was  absent  at 
a  secure  distance,  thinking  neither  of  him  nor 
of  his  coming.  Some  letters  of  their  Highnesses 


JUANA    DE    LA    TORRES  l6l 

of  which  he  brought  a  considerable  number 
signed  in  blank,  he  filled  up  with  exaggerated 
language,  and  sent  round  to  the  alcalde  and  his 
myrmidons,  accompanying  them  with  compli 
ments  and  flattery.  To  me  he  never  sent  either 
a  letter  or  a  messenger,  nor  has  he  done  so 
to  this  day.  Reflect  upon  this,  madam  !  What 
could  any  man  in  my  situation  think  ?  That 
honor  and  favor  should  be  granted  to  him  who 
had  given  his  sanction  to  plundering  their 
Highnesses  of  their  sovereignty,  and  who  had 
done  so  much  injury  and  caused  so  much  mis 
chief? — that  he  who  had  defended  and  pre 
served  their  cause  through  so  many  dangers, 
should  be  dragged  through  the  mire  ?  When 
I  heard  this,  I  thought  he  must  be  like  Hojeda, 
or  one  of  the  other  rebels;  but  I  held  my  peace, 
when  I  learned  for  certain  from  the  friars  that 
he  had  been  sent  by  their  Highnesses.  I  wrote 
to  him,  to  salute  him  on  his  arrival,  to  let  him 
know  that  I  was  ready  to  set  out  to  go  to  court, 
and  that  I  had  put  up  to  sale  all  that  I  pos 
sessed.  I  entreated  him  not  to  be  in  haste 
on  the  subject  of  the  immunities;  and  I  as- 


1 62  LETTER    TO 

sured  him  that  I  would  shortly  yield  this, 
and  everything  else  connected  with  the  gov 
ernment,  implicitly  into  his  charge.  I  wrote 
the  same  thing  to  the  ecclesiastics,  but  I  re 
ceived  no  answer  either  from  the  one  or  the 
other.  On  the  contrary,  he  took  a  hostile  po 
sition,  and  obliged  those  who  went  to  his  resi 
dence  to  acknowledge  him  for  governor,  as  I 
have  been  told,  for  twenty  years.  As  soon  as 
I  knew  what  he  had  done  with  regard  to  the 
immunities,  I  believed  it  needful  to  repair  so 
great  an  error,  and  I  thought  he  would  himself 
be  glad  of  it;  because  he  had,  without  any  rea 
son  or  necessity,  bestowed  upon  vagabonds 
privileges  of  such  importance,  that  they  would 
have  been  excessive  even  for  men  with  wives 
and  children.  I  published  verbally,  and  by 
writings,  that  he  could  not  make  use  of  these 
grants,  because  mine  had  still  more  power,  and 
I  showed  the  immunities  brought  by  Juan  Ag- 
uado.  All  this  I  did  for  the  purpose  of  gain 
ing  time,  that  their  Highnesses  might  be  in 
formed  as  to  the  state  of  things,  and  that  they 
might  have  opportunity  to  give  fresh  orders  up- 


JUANA    DE    LA   TORRES  163 

on  everything  touching  their  interests.  It  is 
useless  to  publish  such  grants  in  the  Indies — 
all  is  in  favor  of  the  settlers  who  have  taken  up 
their  abode  there,  because  the  best  lands  are 
given  up  to  them;  and,  at  a  low  estimate,  they 
are  worth  two  hundred  thousand  maravedis  a 
head  for  the  four  years,  at  which  they  are  taken, 
without  their  having  given  one  stroke  of  the 
spade  or  the  mattock.  I  should  not  say  so 
much  if  these  people  were  married  men;  but 
there  arc  not  six  among  them  all  whose  pur 
pose  is  not  to  amass  all  they  can,  and  then  de 
camp  with  it.  It  would  be  well  to  send  people 
from  Spain,  and  only  to  send  such  as  are  well 
known,  that  the  country  may  be  peopled  with 
honest  men.  I  had  agreed  with  these  settlers 
that  they  should  pay  the  third  of  the  gold  and 
of  the  tithes;  and  this  they  not  only  assented 
to,  but  were  very  grateful  to  their  Highnesses. 
I  reproached  them  when  I  heard  they  had  af 
terward  refused  it;  they  expected,  however,  to 
deal  with  me  on  the  same  terms  as  with  the 
commander,  but  I  would  not  consent  to  it.  He 
meanwhile  irritated  them  against  me,  saying 


164  LETTER   TO 

that  I  wished  to  deprive  them  of  that  which 
their  Highnesses  had  given  them;  and  strove 
to  make  me  appear  their  enemy,  in  which  he 
succeeded  to  the  full.  He  induced  them  to 
write  to  their  Highnesses,  that  they  should  send 
me  no  more  commissioned  as  governor  (truly, 
I  do  not  desire  it  any  more  for  myself,  or  for 
any  who  belong  to  me,  while  the  people  re 
mained  unchanged);  and  to  conciliate  them, 
he  ordered  inquiries  to  be  made  respecting  me 
with  reference  to  imputed  misdeeds,  such  as 
were  never  invented  in  hell.  But  God  is  above, 
who,  with  so  much  wisdom  and  power,  rescued 
Daniel  and  the  three  children,  and  who,  if  he 
please,  can  rescue  me  with  a  similar  manifesta 
tion  of  his  power,  and  to  the  advancement  of 
his  own  cause.  I  should  have  known  well 
enough  how  to  find  a  remedy  for  the  evils  which 
I  now  describe  and  have  been  describing  as 
having  happened  to  me  since  I  came  to  the  In 
dies,  if  I  had  had  the  wish  or  had  thought  it 
decent  to  busy  myself  about  my  personal  in 
terest;  but  now  I  find  myself  shipwrecked,  be 
cause,  until  now,  I  have  maintained  the  justice 


JUANA    DE    LA   TORRES  165 

and  augmented  the  territorial  dominions  of 
their  Highnesses.  Now  that  so  much  gold  is 
found,  these  people  stop  to  consider  whether 
they  can  obtain  the  greatest  quantity  of  it  by 
theft,  or  by  going  to  the  mines.  For  one  wo 
man  they  give  a  hundred  castellanos,  as  for  a 
farm;  and  this  sort  of  trading  is  very  common, 
and  there  are  already  a  great  number  of  mer 
chants  who  go  in  search  of  girls;  there  are  at 
this  moment  some  nine  or  ten  on  sale;  they 
fetch  a  good  price,  let  their  age  be  what  it  will. 
In  saying  that  the  commander  could  not  con 
fer  immunities,  I  did  what  he  desired,  although 
I  told  him  that  it  was  in  order  to  gain  time  un 
til  their  Highnesses  had  received  information 
respecting  the  country,  and  had  given  their  or 
ders  as  to  the  regulations  best  calculated  to  ad 
vance  their  interest.  I  say  that  the  calumnies 
of  injurious  men  have  done  me  more  harm  than 
my  services  have  done  me  good;  which  is  a 
bad  example  for  the  present  as  well  as  for  the 
future.  I  aver  that  a  great  number  of  men 
have  been  to  the  Indies,  who  did  not  deserve 
baptism  in  the  eyes  of  God  or  men,  and  who 


1 66  LETTER    TO 

are  now  returning  thither.  The  governor  has 
made  every  one  hostile  to  me;  and  it  appears 
from  the  manner  of  his  acting,  and  the  plans 
that  he  has  adopted,  that  he  was  already  my 
enemy,  and  very  virulent  against  me  when  he 
arrived;  and  it  is  said  that  he  has  been  at 
great  expense  to  obtain  this  office;  but  I  know 
nothing  about  the  matter  except  what  I  have 
heard.  I  never  before  heard  of  any  one  who 
was  commissioned  to  make  an  inquiry,  assem 
bling  the  rebels,  and  taking  as  evidence  against 
their  governor  wretches  without  faith,  and  who 
are  unworthy  of  belief.  If  their  Highnesses 
would  cause  a  general  inquiry  to  be  made 
throughout  the  land,  I  assure  you  they  would 
be  astonished  that  the  island  has  not  been 
swallowed  up.  I  believe  that  you  will  recol 
lect  that  when  I  was  driven  by  a  tempest  into 
the  port  of  Lisbon  (having  lost  my  sails),!  was 
falsely  accused  of  having  put  in  thither  with 
the  intention  of  giving  the  Indies  to  the  sov 
ereign  of  that  country.  Since  then,  their  High 
nesses  have  learned  the  contrary,  and  that 
the  report  was  produced  by  the  malice  of  cer- 


JUANA    DE    LA    TORRES  1 67 

tain  people.  Although  I  am  an  ignorant  man, 
I  do  not  imagine  that  any  one  supposed  me  so 
stupid  as  not  to  be  aware  that,  even  if  the  In 
dies  had  belonged  to  me,  I  could  not  support 
myself  without  the  assistance  of  some  prince. 
Since  it  is  thus,  where  should  I  find  better  sup 
port,  or  more  security  against  expulsion,  than 
in  the  King  and  Queen,  our  Sovereigns?  Who, 
from  nothing,  have  raised  me  to  so  great  an  el 
evation,  and  who  are  the  greatest  princes  of  the 
world,  on  the  land  and  on  the  sea.  These 
princes  know  how  I  have  served  them,  and 
they  uphold  my  privileges  and  rewards;  and  if 
any  one  violates  them,  their  Highnesses  aug 
ment  them  by  ordering  great  favor  to  be  shown 
me,  and  ordain  me  many  honors,  as  was  shown 
in  the  affair  of  Juan  Aguado.  Yes,  as  I  have 
said,  their  Highnesses  have  received  some  ser 
vices  from  me,  and  have  taken  my  son  into 
their  household,""  which  would  not  have  hap 
pened  with  another  prince,  because  where 
there  is  no  attachment,  all  other  considerations 
prove  of  little  weight.  If  I  have  now  spoken 

*  Dieuo  Columbus. 


168  LETTER    TO 

severely  of  a  malicious  slander,  it  is  against  my 
will,  for  it  is  a  subject  I  would  not  willingly  re 
call,  even  in  my  dreams.  The  Governor  Boba- 
dilla  has  maliciously  exhibited  in  open  day  his 
character  and  conduct  in  this  affair;  but  I  will 
prove  without  difficulty  that  his  ignorance,  his 
laziness,  and  his  inordinate  cupidity,  have  frus 
trated  all  his  undertakings.  I  have  already  said 
that  I  wrote  him,  as  well  as  to  the  monks,  and 
I  set  out  almost  alone,  all  our  people  being  with 
the  Adelantado  and  elsewhere,  to  remove  sus 
picion;  when  he  heard  this,  he  caused  D.  Die 
go  to  be  loaded  with  irons,  and  thrown  into  a 
caravel;  he  acted  in  the  same  manner  toward 
myself,  and  toward  the  Adelantado  when  he 
arrived.  I  have  never  spoken  with  him,  and  to 
this  day  he  has  not  permitted  any  one  to  hold 
converse  with  me,  and  I  make  oath  that  I  have 
no  conception  for  what  cause  I  am  made  pris 
oner.  His  first  care  was  to  take  the  gold  that 
I  had,  and  that  without  measuring  or  weighing 
it,  although  I  was  absent;  he  said  he  would  pay 
those  to  whom  it  was  owing,  and  if  I  am  to  be 
lieve  that  which  has  been  reported  to  me,  he 


JUANA    DE    LA   TORRES  169 

reserved  to  himself  the  greater  part,  and  sent 
for  strangers  to  make  the  bargains.  I  had  put 
aside  certain  specimens  of  this  gold,  as  large  as 
the  eggs  of  a  goose  or  a  fowl,  and  many  other 
sizes,  which  had  been  collected  in  a  short  space 
of  time,  in  order  to  please  their  Highnesses,  and 
that  they  might  be  impressed  with  the  impor 
tance  of  the  affair,  when  they  saw  a  great  num 
ber  of  large  stones  loaded  with  gold.  This 
gold  was  the  first  that,  after  he  had  feathered 
his  own  nest  (which  he  was  in  great  haste  to 
do),  his  malice  suggested  to  give  away,  in  or 
der  that  their  Highnesses  might  have  a  low 
opinion  of  the  whole  affair;  the  gold  which  re 
quired  melting  diminished  at  the  fire,  and  a 
chain,  weighing  nearly  twenty  marks,  disap 
peared  altogether.  I  have  been  yet  more  con 
cerned  respecting  the  affair  of  the  pearls,  that 
I  have  not  brought  them  to  their  Highnesses. 
In  everything  that  could  add  to  my  annoyance 
the  governor  has  always  shown  himself  ready 
to  bestir  himself.  Thus,  as  I  have  said,  with 
six  hundred  maravedis,  I  should  have  paid  ev 
ery  one,  without  occasioning  loss  to  any  ;  and 


I/O  LETTER    TO 

I  had  more  than  four  millions  of  tithes  and  con 
stabulary  dues,  without  touching  the  gold.  He 
made  the  most  absurd  gifts,  although  I  believe 
he  began  by  awarding  them  to  the  stronger  par 
ty;  their  Highnesses  will  be  able  to  ascertain 
the  truth  on  this  subject  when  they  demand 
the  account  to  be  rendered  them,  especially  if 
I  may  assist  at  the  examination.  He  is  contin 
ually  saying  that  there  is  a  considerable  sum 
owing,  while  it  is  only  what  I  have  already  re 
ported,  and  even  less.  I  have  been  wounded 
extremely  by  the  thought  that  a  man  should 
have  been  sent  out  to  make  inquiry  into  my 
conduct,  who  knew  that  if  he  sent  home  a  very 
aggravated  account  of  the  result  of  his  investi 
gation,  he  would  remain  at  the  head  of  the  gov 
ernment.  Would  to  God  their  Highnesses 
had  sent  either  him  or  some  other  person  two 
years  ago,  for  then  I  know  that  I  should  have 
had  no  cause  to  fear  either  scandal  or  disgrace; 
they  could  not  then  have  taken  away  my  hon 
or,  and  I  could  not  have  been  in  the  position 
to  have  lost  it.  God  is  just,  and  He  will  in  due 
time  make  known  all  that  has  taken  place  and 


JUAN  A    DP:    LA   TORRES  I/ 1 

why  it  has  taken  place.  I  am  judged  in  Spain 
as  a  governor  who  had  been  sent  to  a  province, 
or  city,  under  regular  government,  and  where 
the  laws  could  be  executed  without  fear  of  en 
dangering  the  public  weal;  and  in  this  I  re 
ceived  enormous  wrong.  I  ought  to  be  judged 
as  a  captain  sent  from  Spain  to  the  Indies,  to 
conquer  a  nation  numerous  and  warlike,  with 
customs  and  religion  altogether  different  to 
ours;  a  people  who  dwell  in  the  mountains, 
without  regular  habitations  for  themselves  or 
for  us;  and  where,  by  the  Divine  will,  I  have 
subdued  another  world  to  the  dominion  of  the 
King  and  Queen,  our  Sovereigns;  in  conse 
quence  of  which,  Spain,  that  used  to  be  called 
poor,  is  now  the  most  wealthy  of  kingdoms.  I 
ought  to  be  judged  as  a  captain,  who,  for  so 
many  years  has  borne  arms,  never  quitting 
them  for  an  instant.  I  ought  to  be  judged  by 
cavaliers  who  have  themselves  won  the  meed 
of  victory;  by  gentlemen,  indeed,  and  not  by 
the  lawyers;  at  least  as  it  would  have  been 
among  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  or  any  modern 
nation  in  which  exists  so  much  nobility  as  in 


1/2  LETTER   TO 

Spain;  for  under  any  other  judgment  I  receive 
great  injury,  because  in  the  Indies  there  is 
neither  civil  nor  judgment  seat. 

Already  the  road  is  opened  to  the  gold  and 
pearls,  and  it  may  surely  be  hoped  that  pre 
cious  stones,  spices,  and  a  thousand  other 
things  will  also  be  found.  Would  to  God  that 
it  were  as  certain  that  I  should  suffer  no  greater 
wrongs  than  I  have  already  experienced,  as  it 
is  that  I  would,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord,  again 
undertake  my  first  voyage;  and  that  I  would 
undertake  to  go  to  Arabia  Felix,  as  far  as  Mec 
ca,  as  I  have  said  in  the  letter  that  I  sent  to 
their  Highnesses  by  Antonio  cle  Torres,  in  an 
swer  to  the  division  of  the  sea  and  land  between 
Spain  and  the  Portuguese;""  and  I  would  go 
afterward  to  the  North  Pole,  as  I  have  said  and 
given  in  writing  to  the  monastery  of  the  Me- 
jorada. 

The  tidings  of  the  gold  which  I  said  I  would 
give,  are,  that  on  Christmas-day,  being  greatly 
afflicted  and  tormented  by  the  wicked  Span- 

*  This  is  a  reference  to  the  famous  Papal  bull,  dividing 
the  Indies  between  Spain  and  Portugal. 


JUANA    DE   LA   TORRES  173 

iards  and  the  Indians,  at  the  moment  of  leav 
ing  all  to  save  my  life  if  possible,  our  Lord 
comforted  me  miraculously,  saying  to  me, 
"  Take  courage:  do  not  abandon  thyself  to  sad 
ness  and  fear;  I  will  provide  for  all;  the  seven 
years,  the  term  of  the  gold,  are  not  yet  passed, 
and  in  this,  as  in  the  rest,  I  will  redress  thee." 
I  learned,  that  same  day,  that  there  were 
twenty-four  leagues  of  land  where  they  found 
mines  at  every  step,  which  appear  now  to  form 
but  one.  Some  of  the  people  collected  a  hun 
dred  and  twenty  castellanos'  worth  in  one  day, 
others  ninety;  and  there  have  been  those  who 
have  gathered  the  equivalent  of  nearly  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  castellanos.  They  consider  it  a 
good  day's  work  when  they  collect  from  fifty  to 
seventy,  or  even  from  twenty  to  fifty,  and  many 
continue  searching;  the  mean  day's  work  is 
from  six  to  twelve,  and  those  who  get  less  are 
very  dissatisfied.  It  appears  that  these  mines, 
like  all  others,  do  not  yield  equally  every  day; 
the  mines  are  new,  and  those  who  collect  their 
produce  are  inexperienced.  According  to  the 
judgment  of  everybody  here,  it  seems  that  if 


1/4  LETTER    TO 

all  Spain  were  to  come  over,  every  individual, 
however  inexpert  he  might  be,  would  gain  the 
equivalent  of  at  least  one  or  two  castellanos  in 
a  day;  and  so  it  is  up  to  the  present  time.  It 
is  certain  that  any  man  who  has  an  Indian  to 
work  for  him  collects  as  much,  but  the  working 
of  the  traffic  depends  upon  the  Spaniard.  See, 
now,  what  discernment  was  shown  by  Boba- 
dilla  when  he  gave  up  everything  for  nothing, 
and  four  millions  of  tithes  without  any  reason, 
and  even  without  being  asked  to  do  so,  and 
without  first  giving  notice  to  their  Highnesses 
of  his  intention;  and  this  is  not  the  only  evil 
which  he  has  caused.  I  know,  assuredly,  that 
the  errors  which  I  may  have  fallen  into  have 
been  done  without  the  intention  to  do  wrong, 
and  I  think  that  their  Highnesses  will  believe 
me  when  I  say  so;  but  I  know  and  see  that 
they  show  mercy  toward  those  who  intention 
ally  do  injury  to  their  service.  I,  however,  feel 
very  certain  that  the  day  will  come  when  they 
will  treat  me  much  better;  since,  if  I  have  been 
in  error,  it  has  been  innocently  and  under  the 
force  of  circumstances,  as  they  will  shortly 


JUANA    DE   LA    TORRES  1/5 

understand  beyond  all  doubt.  I,  who  am  their 
creature,  and  whose  services  and  usefulness 
they  will  every  day  be  more  willing  to  acknowl 
edge.  They  will  weigh  all  in  the  balance,  even 
as,  according  to  Holy  Scripture,  it  will  be  with 
the  evil  and  the  good  at  the  day  of  judgment. 
If,  nevertheless,  their  Highnesses  ordain  me 
another  judge,  which  I  hope  will  not  be  the 
case,  and  if  my  examination  is  to  be  holdcn  in 
the  Indies,  I  humbly  beseech  them  to  send 
over  two  conscientious  and  respectable  persons 
at  my  expense,  who  would  readily  acknowl 
edge  that,  at  this  time,  five  marks  of  gold  may 
be  found  in  four  hours;  be  it,  however,  as  it  may, 
it  is  highly  necessary  that  their  Highnesses 
should  have  this  matter  inquired  into.  The 
governor,  on  his  arrival  at  Espanola,  took 
up  his  abode  in  my  house,  and  appropriated  to 
himself  all  that  was  therein.  Well  and  good; 
perhaps  he  was  in  want  of  it;  but  even  a  pirate 
does  not  behave  in  this  manner  toward  the 
merchants  that  he  plunders.  That  which  griev 
ed  me  most  was  the  seizure  of  my  papers,  of 
which  I  have  never  been  able  to  recover  one; 


1/6    LETTER  TO  JUANA  DE  LA  TORRES 

and  those  that  would  have  been  most  useful  to 
me  in  proving  my  innocence  arc  precisely 
those  which  he  has  kept  most  carefully  con 
cealed.  Behold  the  just  and  honest  inquisitor  ! 
I  am  told  that  he  does  not  at  all  confine  him 
self  to  the  bounds  of  justice,  but  that  he  acts  in 
all  things  despotically.  God  our  Saviour  re 
tains  His  power  and  wisdom  as  of  old;  and, 
above  all  things,  He  punishes  ingratitude. 


PRIVILEGES   OF  COLUMBUS  1/7 


PRIVILEGES   OF  COLUMBUS* 


The  declaration  of  what  belongs,  and  should,  and  ought 
to  belong  to  the  Admiral  of  the  Indies,  in  virtue  of  the 
capitulation  and  agreement,  which  he  entered  into 
with  their  Highnesses,  which  is  the  title  and  right 
that  the  Admiral  and  his  descendants  have  upon  the 
islands  and  mainland  in  the  ocean,  is  as  follows: 


CHAPTER  I 

^IRST,  by  the  first  article  their  Highnesses 
•*•  appointed  him  their  Admiral  of  the  isl 
ands  and  mainland  discovered  and  to  be  dis 
covered  in  the  ocean,  with  the  preeminences, 
and  according  to  and  in  the  manner  that  the 
Admiral  of  the  sea  of  Castile  holds  and  enjoys 
his  Admiralty  in  his  district. 

*  Probably  prepared  in  1501,  after  Columbus  had  been 
freed  from  arrest,  yet  not  restored  to  his  offices  in  the 
"  Indies."  A  copy  of  it  was  sent  to  Nicolo  Oderigo  before 
March  21,  1502.  It  is  a  further  and  more  elaborate  argu 
ment  on  the  question  discussed  in  the  paper  printed  at  page 
75  of  this  volume.  The  translation  is  in  the  Memorials  of 
Columbus,  .  .  .  London ,\%1^,.  The  original  text  is  in  the  Codice 
Diplomatico  Colombo- Americano,  .  .  .  Genova,  1823. 


I?8  PRIVILEGES    OF    COLUMBUS 

By  the  declaration  of  this  it  is  to  be  observed, 
that  the  Admiral  of  Castile,  in  virtue  of  his 
privilege,  has  the  third  part  of  whatever  is  ac 
quired,  or  he  may  acquire  in  the  sea;  for  the 
same  reason,  therefore,  the  Admiral  of  the 
Indies  ought  to  have  the  third  part  of  them, 
and  of  whatever  is  acquired  in  them. 

For  inasmuch  as  the  Admiral  of  Castile  en 
joys  no  third  except  of  what  is  acquired  in  that 
sea  of  which  he  is  Admiral,  the  Admiral  of  the 
Indies  ought  to  have  a  third  of  them,  and  of 
whatever  is  acquired  by  land  in  them. 

The  reason  of  this  is,  because  their  High 
nesses  ordered  him  to  acquire  islands  and 
mainland,  and  designated  him  especially  Ad 
miral  of  them;  and  from  them  and  in  them  he 
is  to  receive  his  reward,  being  Admiral  of,  and 
having  acquired  them  with  great  peril,  con 
trary  to  the  opinion  of  everybody. 

CHAPTER  II 

BY  the  second  chapter,  their  Highnesses 
appointed  him  their  Viceroy  and  Governor- 
General  of  all  the  said  islands  and  mainland, 


Of 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS 


with  the  faculty  of  enjoying  all  the  offices  which 
appertain  to  the  government;  excepting  that, 
out  of  three,  one  should  be  appointed  by  their 
Highnesses;  and  afterward  their  Highnesses 
conferred  upon  him  a  fresh  grant  of  the  said 
offices  in  the  years  '92  and  '93,  by  privilege 
granted,  without  the  said  exception. 

The  declaration  of  this  is,  that  the  said  of 
fices  of  Viceroy  and  Governor  belong  to  the 
said  Admiral,  with  the  power  of  appointing  all 
the  officers  to  the  offices  and  magistracies  of 
the  said  Indies,  since  their  Highnesses,  as  a 
reward,  and,  as  it  were,  as  a  payment  for  the 
labor  and  pains  incurred  by  the  said  Admiral 
in  discovering  and  acquiring  possession  of  the 
said  islands,  conferred  upon  him  the  grant  of  the 
said  offices  and  government  with  the  said  power. 

For  it  is  very  evident,  that  in  the  beginning 
the  said  Admiral  would  not  have  exposed  him 
self,  nor  would  any  other  person  have  exposed 
himself,  to  so  great  a  risk  and  danger,  if  their 
Highnesses  had  not  granted  to  him  the  said 
offices  and  £overnment  as  a  reward  and  recom- 

o 

pense  for  such  an  undertaking. 


180  PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS 

Which  their  Highnesses  justly  bestowed 
upon  him,  in  order  that  the  said  Admiral 
might,  in  preference  to  every  other  person, 
be  benefited,  honored,  and  elevated  through 
the  same  means  by  which  he  had  rendered 
them  so  signal  a  service.  For  very  little,  or 
scarcely  any,  honor  would  accrue  to  the  Ad 
miral,  whatever  other  recompense  he  might 
have,  if  in  that  land,  acquired  by  him  with  such 
difficulty,  their  Highnesses  were  to  appoint 
another  superior;  and  as  he  was  appointed  to 
them  for  such  just  causes,  the  said  offices  and 
government  in  justice  belong  to  the  said  Ad 
miral. 

And  as  the  said  Admiral  was  peacefully  exe 
cuting,  in  the  service  of  their  Highnesses,  the 
said  offices  in  the  said  Indies,  he  was  unjustly 
deprived  of  the  possession  of  them,*  contrary 
to  all  law  and  reason,  without  being  cited, 
heard,  or  convicted;  by  which  the  said  Admiral 
declares  he  received  every  injury,  considerable 
personal  dishonor,  and  loss  of  property;  and 

*  Referring  to  the  appointment  and  seizure  of  the  gov 
ernment  of  Hispaniola  by  Bobadilla.  See  ante. 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS  l8l 

this  clearly  appears  by  the  said  Chapter,  for 
the  following  reasons: 

Because  the  said  Admiral  could  not  be  de 
prived  nor  dispossessed  of  his  foresaid  offices, 
never  having  committed  or  done  anything 
against  their  Highnesses,  for  which  he  should 
legally  forfeit  his  property.  Supposing,  how 
ever,  that  such  cause  existed  (which  God  for 
bid  !)  the  said  Admiral  ought,  first  of  all,  to 
have  been  cited  and  called,  heard  and  con 
victed,  according  to  law. 

And  by  dispossessing  him  without  just  cause, 
the  said  Admiral  experienced  great  injury  and 
great  injustice;  and  their  Highnesses  had  no 
right  to  inflict  it  upon  him. 

For  their  Highnesses  conferred  upon  him 
the  said  offices  and  government  of  the  foresaid 
land  as  a  compensation  for  services  and  labor 
in  gaining  possession  of  it,  whence  he  acquired 
a  just  interest  in,  and  perpetual  title  to,  the 
foresaid  offices;  and  as  he  was  unjustly  dispos 
sessed  of  them,  the  said  Admiral  ought,  first  of 
all,  to  be  reestablished  in  the  said  offices,  and 
in  his  honor  and  dignity. 


1 82  PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS 

And  with  respect  to  the  damage  he  has 
received,  which,  according  to  the  averment  of 
the  Admiral,  is  of  considerable  amount,  as  by 
his  persevering  industry  he  was  finding  out 
and  discovering  in  the  said  Indies  a  great 
quantity  of  gold,  pearls,  spices,  and  other  arti 
cles  of  great  value  ;  let  the  Admiral  himself 
declare  upon  oath  the  amount  of  the  damage, 
and  for  this  let  him  be  indemnified  according 
to  law. 

Which  indemnification  ought  to  be  made  by 
the  person  which  unjustly  dispossessed  him  of 
all  his  property ;  being  obliged  to  it  both  by 
divine  and  human  laws,  for  having  exceeded 
the  bounds  of  the  power  entrusted  to  him  by 
their  Highnesses. 

And  such  indemnification  and  restoration 
into  the  foresaid  offices,  property,  and  honors, 
ought  to  be  the  more  promptly  performed,  in 
proportion  to  the  injustice  in  depriving  him  of 
the  same. 

For  it  is  absolutely  incredible,  nor  could  any 
one  believe,  that  their  Highnesses  could  ap 
prove  that  a  man  so  industrious,  who  came  so 


PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS  183 


great  distance  to  render  such  signal  and  great 
services  to  their  Highnesses  as  he  has  done  by 
his  industry  and  person,  by  which  he  merited 
still  greater  fortune,  should  be,  through  the 
malignity  of  the  envious,  deprived  of  every 
recompense. 

Having  such  reason  to  believe  himself  bound 
by  affection  to  their  Highnesses,  and  so  well 
established  in  their  good  graces,  the  said  Ad 
miral  and  all  the  world  believed  that  it  was 
impossible  for  any  calumniators  to  make  him 
lose  the  reward  of  so  many  services  ;  much 
less  to  excite  anger  in  the  breasts  of  their 
Highnesses,  to  make  them  ruin  him  whose  ser 
vices  and  merits  they  had  acknowledged  ;  at  a 
time  when  the  said  Admiral  wras  confident  of 
rendering  every  day,  and  did  render,  great 
services  to  their  Highnesses,  promoting  by  his 
industry  the  present  advantage  of  the  said  isl 
ands,  and  exercising  his  powers,  along  with 
his  officers,  for  their  population  and  prosperity. 

And  this  no  other  person  would  have  done, 
nor  will  do  ;  inasmuch  as  the  Indians  being 
entirely  unprotected,  if  he  had  not  previously 


1 84  PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS 

governed,  those  who  now  possess  the  govern 
ment,  being  anxious  to  enrich  themselves  dur 
ing  their  administration,  will  not  look  to  that 
in  future,  as  the  said  Admiral  did,  who  looked 
to  their  permanent  interest,  and,  depending 
upon  the  honor  and  profit  that  would  result 
from  the  good  government  and  protection  of 
the  Indians  (who  form  the  principal  riches  of 
it),  attended  not  in  the  least  to  his  present  ad- 

CHA1TER  III 

BY  the  Third  Chapter  their  Highnesses  con 
ferred  upon  him  a  grant  of  the  tenth  part  of 
whatever  might  be  bought,  found,  or  existed 
within  the  limits  of  the  foresaid  Admiralty,  de 
ducting  the  charges  of  them. 

The  meaning  of  this  is,  that  the  foresaid  Ad 
miral  is  to  have  the  tenth  of  whatever  might 
exist  or  be  found  in  the  said  Indies  and  main 
land  of  the  ocean,  by  any  persons  whatsoever, 
singly  or  jointly,  for  the  advantage  of  their 
Highnesses,  or  of  whatever  other  persons  to 
whom  they  may  have  made  a  grant  of  it,  or  of 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS  185 

part  of  it,  deducting-  the  expenses  which  the 
said  persons  or  their  Highnesses  may  have  in 
curred. 

And  their  Highnesses  cannot  in  justice  grant 
either  the  whole  or  any  part  of  the  profit  of  the 
said  Indies  to  any  person  whatsoever,  in  prej 
udice  of  the  said  tenth,  without  their  first  hav 
ing  to  pay,  and  paying  the  full  tenth  thereof  to 
the  said  Admiral. 

For  their  Highnesses, by  making  such  grants, 
destroy  or  diminish  that  which  they  formerly 
conferred  upon  the  said  Admiral,  leaving  it 
much  diminished  and  dismembered,  without  an 
adequate  indemnification. 

As  the  grant  conferred  upon  the  said  Admi 
ral  of  the  said  tenth,  was  given  to  him  before  he 
discovered  the  said  Indies,  and  was  given  and 
"ranted  as  an  assistance,  reward  and  recom- 

o 

pense  which  he  had  deserved  for  that  service. 
And  even  supposing  that  their  Highnesses, 
in  conformity  to  an  agreement  or  condition,  or 
in  any  other  manner,  were  to  give  the  half,  or 
any  other  part  of  the  gains  to  any  persons  who 
might  be  inclined  to  take  upon  them  the  labor 


186  PRIVILEGES   OE   COLUMBUS 

and  expenses  of  such  an  adventure;  even  in 
that  case  the  said  Admiral  ought  still  to  have 
the  tenth  of  the  profits  thereof,  and  of  what  has 
been  spent  by  such  persons  as  well  as  on  the 
principal  part  of  their  Highnesses;  since  both 
the  one  and  the  other  are  true  and  principal 
gain,  and  are  derived  from  his  'Admiralty  of  the 
Indies. 

CHAPTER  IV 

ACCORDING  to  the  tenor  of  the  Fourth  Chap 
ter,  their  Highnesses  granted  to  the  foresaid 
Admiral  the  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction  over 
every  dispute  in  law  connected  with  the  fore- 
said  Indies,  and  the  cognizance  of  them  here, 
in  the  parts  and  places  comprehended  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Admiral  of  Castile  (it  be 
ing  just). 

As  an  explanation  of  the  judicial  power  be 
longing  to  the  Admiral,  the  latter  asserts  that 
the  foresaid  jurisdiction  belongs  to  him  as  one 
of  the  principal  preeminences,  and,  as  it  were, 
the  arm  of  the  body  of  his  Admiralty,  without 
which  it  would  be  very  difficult  for  him  to  reg- 


PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS  l8/ 

ulate  the  said  Admiralty,  or,  properly  speak 
ing,  it  would  be  altogether  useless,  because  the 
said  jurisdiction  is  the  very  essence  that  hon 
ors,  animates  and  sustains  the  other  members 
of  the  body  of  the  said  Admiralty. 

Moreover,  that  the  said  cognizance  belongs 
to  him,  as  well  in  the  ports  and  bays  of  this 
kingdom  as  in  the  said  islands  and  mainland 
of  which  he  is  the  Admiral;  for  if  he  enjoyed 
the  foresaid  jurisdiction  only  in  the  courts  there, 
without  including  in  it  the  causes  that  emanate 
from  hence,  all  the  contracting  parties  being 
natives  of  this  country,  and  all  the  traffic  and 
commerce  proceeding  from  hence,  his  jurisdic 
tion  would  be  almost  null,  because  the  individ 
uals  who  go  over  to  the  said  Indies  go  there 
only  for  the  purpose  of  trafficking;  but  the  con 
tracts  and  agreements  of  the  companies  remain 
here,  upon  which,  on  their  return,  lawr-suits 
arise;  and  the  causes  of  such  law-suits  proceed 
from  transactions  in  the  traffic  and  commerce 
which  have  been  carried  on  within  his  Admi 
ralty. 

But,  even  if  that  Article  did  not  exist,  in 


188  PRIVILEGES    OE   COLUMBUS 

which  express  mention  is  made  of  the  said  ju 
risdiction,  it  is  clear  that  from  the  time  their 
Highnesses  established  the  office  of  the  Admi 
ralty  of  Castile,  conjointly  with  the  said  Admi 
ralty,  they  conferred  upon  the  said  Admiral  the 
grant  of  the  said  jurisdiction  with  the  foresaid 
comprehension,  as  the  Admiral  of  the  sea  of 
Castile  holds,  as  the  principal  preeminence  of 
his  Admiralty,  the  jurisdiction  of  all  civil  and 
criminal  law-suits  appertaining  to  it;  which  ju 
risdiction  comprehends  all  the  ports  and  bays 
of  this  country,  although  out  of  his  Admiralty. 

And  as  to  the  question,  whether  it  was  just 
to  grant  him  such  powers,  the  foresaid  Ad 
miral  asserts  that  their  Highnesses  could  justly 
confer  upon  him  as  kings  and  sovereigns,  lords 
who  have  absolute  power  over  all,  and  to  whom 
only  such  appointment  belongs. 

And  their  Highnesses,  in  conferring  the  fore- 
said  office  upon  the  said  Admiral,  with  the 
foresaid  comprehension,  did  no  injury  to  any 
person,  nor  affected  any  one's  interests,  be 
cause  his  said  Admiralty  and  its  jurisdiction, 
and  the  Indies  and  countries  over  which  it  is 


PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS  189 

established,  were  lately  and  miraculously  dis 
covered,  united,  and  brought  under  the  domin 
ion  of  Castile. 

Moreover,  the  law-suits  emanating  from  the 
said  Admiralty,  on  account  of  the  great  dis 
tance  and  separation  of  the  countries  over  which 
it  is  established,  and  being  very  far  from  the 
spot  to  which  the  merchants  of  this  country 
resort,  there  would  be  great  inconvenience  in 
dividing  and  separating  them  from  the  law 
suits  appertaining  to  this  country;  and  by  di 
viding  and  separating  the  cognizance  of  them, 
no  jurisdiction  whatsoever  could  take  place. 

And  as  their  Highnesses,  without  injury  to 
any  individual,  by  their  sovereign  power  did 
justly  make  such  provision,  it  is  very  certain 
that  by  it  no  injustice  is  committed;  because 
naturally  two  contraries  cannot  govern  the  same 
subject;  that,  on  the  contrary,  so  foreign  are 
they,  and*  from  existing  in  one  subject,  that  by 
the  species  of  one  we  arrive  at  a  knowledge 
of  the  quality  of  the  other:  therefore,  it  may 
be  concluded  that  the  said  provision  is  just. 

*  Words  lacking  in  original  MS. 


PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS 

Even  the  person  of  the  Admiral  proves  the 
justice  of  the  said  provision;  for,  taking  into 
consideration  the  quality  of  the  said  West  In 
dies,  unknown  to  all  the  world,  it  was  necessary 
to  place  there  a  judge  of  certain  experience,  in 
order  to  execute  just  judgments;  who  was  there, 
then,  who  possessed  greater  experience,  or 
more  profound  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  the 
law-suits  connected  with  them,  than  that  Ad 
miral  who  has  constantly  resided  in  them,  and 
miraculously  found  them  through  his  great 
skill  and  knowledge  of  the  sea,  and  by  expos 
ing  himself  to  the  innumerable  dangers  of  the 
said  sea  ? 

CHAPTER    V 

BY  the  fifth  chapter  their  Highnesses  grant 
to  the  said  Admiral  the  power  of  contributing 
the  eighth  part  of  any  equipment. 

The  true  meaning  of  this  is,  that  the  said 
Admiral  is  to  have  the  eighth  of  whatever  ar 
ticles,  in  whatsoever  manner  they  may  be 
transported  to  the  foresaid  Indies,  although  it 
were  for  the  profit  of  their  Highnesses,  or  of 


PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS  IQI 

any  other  person  whatsoever,  deducting  the 
eighth  of  the  expenses,  pro  rata. 

For  it  must  be  known  that  the  Admiral  con 
tributed  his  eighth  part,  and  almost  half  the 
expense,  of  the  first  fleet,  by  which  the  Indies 
were  acquired;  by  which  he  obtained  a  per 
petual  title  to  the  said  eighth,  on  account  of 
the  produce  of  the  said  expedition  being  ever 
lasting. 

Moreover:  as  he  originally  went  expressly 
to  acquire  islands  and  mainland,  which  are 
unchangeable  things,  it  cannot  be  explained 
in  what  manner  he  would  derive  any  advantage 
of  enjoying  the  eighth,  if  it  were  not  under- 
derstood  that  movable  things  were  the  scope 
of  the  said  equipment,  as  is  clearly  apparent. 

And  although  the  said  Admiral  in  the  first 
expedition  did  not  bring  back  any  movables 
from  the  said  Indies,  which  formed  the  produce 
and  gain  of  it,  he  afterward,  however,  brought 
the  said  islands  and  mainland  under  the  do 
minion  of  their  Highnesses,  and  left  them 
peacefully  as  their  own;  and,  therefore,  it  is 
likewise  understood,  that  he  consigned  and 


192  PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS 

made  over  to  their  Highnesses  all  the  mov 
ables  which  then  and  at  all  future  times  should 
be  found  in  them;  wherefore  from  that  time 
forward  their  Highnesses  could  peaceably  send 
fpr  all  such  things,  as  their  own,  whatever  per 
son  they  judged  proper. 

Allowing,  however,  that  the  said  Admiral 
by  his  contribution  to  the  first  expedition  had 
not  acquired  a  perpetual  right  to  the  foresaid 
eighth,  nevertheless,  as  their  Highnesses  are 
under  the  necessity  of  fitting  out  vessels  to  en 
joy  the  profit  of  the  said  Indies,  they  cannot 
in  justice  prevent  him  from  concurring  in  the 
said  expense,  and  receiving  the  eighth  of  the 
profits;  and  as  the  expeditions  must  continu 
ally  go  on,  because  the  produce  of  the  Indies 
is  continual,  the  foresaid  eighth  must  forever 
belong  to  him. 

And  as  it  may  be  said,  that  such  eighth  be 
longs  to  him  out  of  the  profits  of  the  merchan 
dise  alone,  because  it  is  expressed  in  the  article 
of  traffic  and  commerce,  that  merchandise  is 
understood,  the  truth  is,  that  the  said  eighth  of 
all  the  movables  of  the  Indies  belongs  specif- 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS  193 

ically  to  the  foresaid  Admiral,  because  the 
said  words  traffic  and  commerce  comprehend 
every  kind  of  articles  that  may  in  any  manner 
or  at  any  time  exist. 

For  the  said  word  traffic  is  the  skill  or  dili 
gence  that  is  employed  in  obtaining  the  object 
of  all  commerce;  and,  finally,  the  traffic  or 
method  that  was  adopted  by  the  said  Admiral 
toward  the  possessors  of  the  said  Indies  which 
he  went  to  acquire,  in  order  to  succeed  in  his 
intention,  which  was  to  acquire  them:  and  as 
he  acquired  them,  whatever  is  obtained  from 
them  is  exactly  what  ought  to  be  divided  as 
the  true  produce  of  such  commerce. 

And  this  other  word,  negotiation  (commerce) 
comes  from  negotium^  which  means  ncga  otumi, 
quia  negotiant  cst  quasi  ncga  otinni;  so  that  it 
is  generally  understood  for  every  kind  of  thing 
whatsoever,  and  on  that  very  account  compre 
hends  every  kind  of  movable  things  that  are 
to  be  found  in  the  said  Indies. 

And  even  supposing  that  the  foresaid  word 
were  not  equivocal,  and  had  the  precise  signifi 
cation  of  merchandise,  it  being  true  that  the 


194  PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS 

said  Indies  and  mainland,  and  particularly 
Espanola,  were  acquired  by  the  said  Admiral 
rather  by  gifts  of  merchandise  than  by  force  of 
arms,  the  said  Indies,  with  all  their  products, 
may  be  justly  said  to  be  mcrcadas  (purchase), 
and  hence,  mcrcaderia,  because  from  mercar  is 
derived  the  said  word  mercaderia. 

Moreover:  even  though  the  said  Admiral 
had  acquired  by  force  of  arms  the  said  Indies, 
and  their  Highnesses  had  sent  him  expressly 
for  the  purpose  of  trafficking,  nevertheless  he 
would  not  lose  his  right  to  the  foresaid  eighth 
of  them;  because  the  movables  that  are  found 
in  them,  such  as  gold,  pearls,  spices,  and  other 
articles,  are  purely  and  simply  merchandise: 
as  every  movable  article  that  can  be  purchased 
(excepting  consecrated  articles)  is  to  be  look 
ed  upon  as  merchandise  according  to  the  tenor 
of  the  laws,  which  declare:  omnia  sunt  in  com- 
mercio  nostro, 

Besides:  in  whatever  manner  the  Admiral 
might  have  accomplished  the  object  of  the 
equipment  of  the  fleet,  which  was  the  acquisi 
tion  of  the  said  Indies,  the  said  Admiral  had  a 


PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS  195 

right  to  his  eighth;  for  the  gains  of  the  sea, 
and  their  chances,  are  exceedingly  various, 
fortunate,  uncertain,  and  unexpected;  and 
whatever  results  from  them  must  be  divided 
among  all,  whether  it  has  been  obtained  by 
force  or  by  stratagem;  such  being  the  usage  of 
all  privateers,  of  which  we  have  innumerable 
examples. 

For  if  any  merchants  were  jointly  to  fit  out  a 
vessel  for  the  sole  purpose  of  trading  in  mer 
chandise,  and  granted  the  captain  permission 
to  contribute  a  part  in  the  equipment,  in  order 
to  enjoy  a  correspondent  part  in  the  profit;  if, 
besides  trading,  he  should  capture  any  town, 
money  or  vessel  of  an  enemy,  it  is  certain  that 
the  same  quota  of  such  gain  would  belong  to 
him  as  by  right  he  would  have  in  the  merchan 
dise;  because,  although  the  gain  proceeds  not 
from  merchandise,  it  is  the  actual  result  ob 
tained  in  consequence  of  the  equipment  of  the 
vessel. 

And  if  by  chance  a  factor  of  any  company 
trading  in  any  kingdom  should  obtain  the  fa 
vor  of  the  king  of  that  country  by  assisting 


196  PRIVILEGES    OF   COLUMBUS 

him  with  loans,  or  by  selling  goods  to  him  at 
a  lower  price;  and  if  the  company  should  be 
dissolved,  and  it  should  happen  that  the  said 
king,  through  friendship,  after  such  dissolution, 
were  to  make  him  a  present  of  anything,  the 
factor  would  be  obliged  to  divide  it  entirely 
with  his  associates  as  the  real  profit  obtained 
through  the  company,  although  it  has  been 
dissolved  long  since:  and  thus  it  has  been  de 
cided  everywhere,  and  thus  the  laws  of  these 
kingdoms  of  their  Highnesses  do  declare. 

And  the  same  thing  happened  not  long  ago 
in  Portugal  to  a  Florentine,  the  factor  of  a  con 
siderable  company  in  Florence,  who,  after 
having  rendered  many  services  to  the  said 
King  by  loans,  and  furnishing  him  with  other 
goods,  wras  constrained  to  give  a  part  to  his 
associates  of  a  present  which  the  King  made  to 
him  personally,  through  friendship,  although 
the  accounts  had  been  already  settled  and  the 
company  dissolved,  it  being  looked  upon  as  a 
real  profit  emanating  from  the  said  company. 

In  like  manner  a  certain  Captain  Lercar,  to 
whom  their  Highnesses  made  a  present  for  the 


PRIVILEGES   OF   COLUMBUS  197 

attentions  he  had  shown  to  the  Archduchess, 
and  as  a  compensation  for  the  carack,  which  he 
lost  upon  the  sand-banks,  was,  by  the  courts 
of  law  in  Genoa,  condemned  to  give  up  a  part 
of  it  to  his  associates,  as  the  real  profit;  he  re 
ceiving  that  portion  only  which  belonged  to 
him  as  captain. 

And  moreover,  if  by  chance  any  donation 
should  be  made  by  an  intimate  friend  of  the 
father  to  one  of  his  sons,  although  all  other 
presents  are  regarded  as  private  property,  this 
would  nevertheless  be  assigned  to  the  proper 
ty  held  in  conjunction  with  the  father;  because 
the  father  was  the  cause  of  it:  and  many  other 
circumstances  happen  continually,  which  might 
be  cited  upon  this  head.  But  passing  them 
over  in  silence,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  collect, 
from  all  that  has  been  said,  that  the  third  of 
the  said  Indies  and  mainland  justly  belongs  to 
the  said  Admiral,  as  well  as  the  eighth  and 
tenth  of  all  movable  articles,  which  in  them 
and  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Admiralty  at 
whatever  time,  by  whatsoever  person,  and  in 
any  manner  whatsoever  may  be  found  ;  they 


198  PRIVILEGES    OE    COLUM15US 

being  the  real  profit  of  his  foresaicl  expedition, 
although  he  may  not  have  contributed  to  the 
others:  this  having  been  dwelt  upon  at  length 
in  another  writing. 

I  shall  here  finish  by  declaring  to  their 
Highnesses,  that  they  conferred  the  grant  of 
all  the  said  offices  upon  the  Admiral,  in  the 
same  manner  as  they  are  enjoyed  by  the  Ad 
miral  of  the  sea  of  Castile,  and  that  he  should 
appoint  the  alguazil  and  notaries,  and  order 
them  to  execute  their  duties  in  his  name:  and 
this  is  conformable  to  the  custom  of  any 
knight  to  whom  their  Highnesses  may  have 
given  any  commission  or  office,  as  may  be 
seen  in  the  case  of  many  in  Castile,  who  take 
to  themselves  the  income,  and  cause  the  duty 
to  be  performed  by  one  of  their  servants,  or 
enter  into  an  agreement  with  some  person  for 
that  purpose,  allowing  him  a  certain  portion 
of  the  salary :  therefore  he  again  supplicates 
their  Highnesses  to  give  him  satisfaction,  and 
permit  him  to  execute  the  duties  of  the  said 
offices,  and  enjoy  the  emoluments  thereof;  as 
it  was  settled  by  capitulation  and  special  grant. 


LKTTKR  TO  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA    199 


LETTER   TO   FERDINAND  AND 
ISABELLA* 

IV  j\  OST  serene,  and  very  high  and  mighty 
•*•»•*•  Princes,  the  King  and  Queen,  our  Sov 
ereigns  :  My  passage  from  Cadiz  to  the  Ca 
naries  occupied  four  days,  and  thence  to  the 
Indies,  from  which  I  wrote,  sixteen  clays.  My 
intention  was  to  expedite  my  voyage  as  much 
as  possible  while  I  had  good  vessels,  good 
crews  and  stores,  and  because  Jamaica  was  the 
place  to  which  I  was  bound.  I  wrote  this  in 
Dominica  ;  and  until  now  my  time  has  been 
occupied  in  gaining  information. 

Up  to  the  period  of  my  reaching  these  shores 
I  experienced  most  excellent  weather,  but  the 
night  of  my  arrival  came  on  with  a  dreadful 

*  Narrating  the  events  of  his  fourth  voyage  to  America, 
on  which  he  sailed  May  9,  1502.  The  letter  was  written 
at  Jamaica,  July  7,  1503.  The  translation  is  by  R.  H. 
Major,  and  is  printed  in  his  Select  Letters  of  Columbus,  .  .  . 
London,  1849.  The  original  text  is  in'Navarrete's  Coleccion 
de  los  Viages,  .  .  .  Madrid,  1825. 


200  LETTER    TO 

tempest,  and  the  same  bad  weather  has  con 
tinued  ever  since.  On  reaching"  the  island  of 
Espariola  I  despatched  a  packet  of  letters,  by 
which  I  begged  as  a  favor  that  a  ship  should 
be  supplied  me  at  my  own  cost  in  lieu  of  one 
of  those  that  I  had  brought  with  me,  which 
had  become  unseaworthy,  and  could  no  lon 
ger  carry  sail.  The  letters  were  taken,  and 
your  Highnesses  will  know  if  a  reply  has  been 
given  to  them.  For  my  part  I  was  forbidden 
to  go  on  shore;  the  hearts  of  my  people  failed 
them  lest  I  should  take  them  further,  and  they 
said  that  if  any  danger  were  to  befall  them, 
they  should  receive  no  succor,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  in  all  probability  have  some  great 
affront  offered  them.  Moreover  every  man 
had  it  in  his  power  to  tell  me  that  the  new 
Governor  would  have  the  superintendence  of 
the  countries  that  I  might  acquire. 

The  tempest  was  terrible  throughout  the 
night,  all  the  ships  were  separated,  and  each 
one  driven  to  the  last  extremity,  without  hope 
of  anything  but  death;  each  of  them  also 
looked  upon  the  loss  of  the  rest  as  a  matter  of 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  2OI 

certainty.  What  man  was  ever  born,  not  even 
excepting  Job,  who  would  not  have  been 
ready  to  die  of  despair  at  finding  himself  as  I 
then  was,  in  anxious  fear  for  my  own  safety, 
and  that  of  my  son,  my  brother  and  my  friends, 
and  yet  refused  permission  either  to  land  or  to 
put  into  harbor  on  the  shores  which  by  God's 
mercy  I  had  gained  for  Spain  with  so  much 
toil  and  danger  ? 

But  to  return  to  the  ships:  although  the 
tempest  had  so  completely  separated  them 
from  me  as  to  leave  me  single,  yet  the  Lord 
restored  them  to  me  in  His  own  good  time. 
The  ship  which  we  had  the  greatest  fear  for, 
had  put  out  to  sea  for  safety,  and  reached  the 
island  of  Gallega,  having  lost  her  boat  and  a 
great  part  of  her  provisions,  which  latter  loss, 
indeed,  all  the  ships  suffered.  The  vessel  in 
which  I  was,  though  dreadfully  buffeted,  was 
saved  by  our  Lord's  mercy  from  any  injury 
whatever;  my  brother  \vent  in  the  ship  that 
was  unsound,  and  he  under  God  was  the  cause 
of  its  being  saved.  With  this  tempest  I  strug 
gled  on  till  1  reached  Jamaica,  and  there  the 

^Ti  R^  f 

OF  TTTF, 


202  LETTER    TO 

sea  became  calm,  but  there  was  a  strong  cur 
rent  which  carried  me  as  far  as  the  Queen's 
Garden*  without  seeing  land.  Hence  as  op 
portunity  offered  I  pushed  on  for  terra  firma, 
in  spite  of  the  wind  and  a  fearful  contrary  cur 
rent,  against  which  I  contended  for  sixty  clays, 
and  during  that  time  only  made  seventy 
leagues.  All  this  time  I  was  unable  to  get 
into  harbor,  nor  was  there  any  cessation  of  the 
tempest,  which  was  one  continuation  of  rain, 
thunder  and  lightning;  indeed  it  seemed  as  if  it 
were  the  end  of  the  world.  I  at  length 
reached  Cape  of  Gracias  a  Dios,t  and  after  that 
the  Lord  granted  me  fair  wind  and  tide;  this 
was  on  the  twelfth  of  September.  Eighty-eight 
days  did  this  fearful  tempest  continue,  during 
which  I  was  at  sea,  and  saw  neither  sun  nor 
stars;  my  ships  lay  exposed,  with  sails  torn, 
and  anchors,  rigging,  cables,  boats  and  a  great 
quantity  of  provisions  lost;  my  people  were 
very  weak  and  humbled  in  spirit,  many  of 
them  promising  to  lead  a  religious  life,  and  all 

*  A  name  given  to  a  group  of  islands  south  of  Cuba. 
fin  Honduras. 


FERDINAND    AND.   ISABELLA  203 

making  vows  and  promising  to  perform  pil 
grimages,  while  some  of  them  would  frequently 
go  to  their  messmates  to  make  confession. 
Other  tempests  have  been  experienced,  but 
never  of  so  long  duration  or  so  fearful  as  this: 
many  whom  we  look  upon  as  brave  men,  on 
several  occasions  showed  considerable  trepkia- 
tion;  but  the  distress  of  my  son""  who  was  with 
me  grieved  me  to  the  soul,  and  the  more  when  I 
considered  his  tender  age,  for  he  was  but  thir 
teen  years  old,  and  he  enduring  so  much  toil 
for  so  long  a  time.  Our  Lord,  however,  gave 
him  strength  even  to  enable  him  to  encourage 
the  rest,  and  he  worked  as  if  he  had  been 
eighty  years  at  sea,  and  all  this  was  a  consola 
tion  to  me.  I  myself  had  fallen  sick,  and  was 
many  times  at  the  point  of  death,  but  from  a 
little  cabin  that  I  had  caused  to  be  constructed 
on  deck,  I  directed  our  course.  My  brother 
was  in  the  ship  that  was  in  the  worst  condition 
and  the  most  exposed  to  danger;  and  my  grief 
on  this  account  was  the  greater  that  I  brought 
him  with  me  against  his  will. 

*This  was  Ferdinand,  his  natural  son. 


2O4  LETTER    TO 

Such  is  my  fate,  that  the  twenty  years  of 
service  through  which  I  have  passed  with  so 
much  toil  and  danger  have  profited  me  noth 
ing,  and  at  this  very  day  I  do  not  possess  a 
roof  in  Spain  that  I  can  call  my  own;  if  I  wish 
to  eat  or  sleep,  I  have  nowhere  to  go  but  to 
the* inn  or  tavern,  and  most  times  lack  where 
with  to  pay  the  bill.  Another  anxiety  wrung 
my  very  heart-strings,  which  was  the  thought 
of  my  son  Diego,  whom  I  had  left  an  orphan, 
in  Spain,  and  stripped  of  the  honor  and  prop 
erty  which  were  due  to  him,  on  my  account, 
although  I  had  looked  upon  it  as  a  certainty, 
that  your  Majesties,  as  just  and  grateful  Princes, 
would  restore  it  to  him  in  all  respects  with  in 
crease.  I  reached  the  land  of  Cariay,  where  I 
stopped  to  repair  my  vessels  and  take  in  pro 
visions,  as  well  as  to  afford  relaxation  to  the 
men,  who  had  become  very  weak.  I  myself 
(who,  as  I  said  before,  had  been  several  times 
at  the  point  of  death)  gained  information  re 
specting  the  gold  mines  of  which  I  was  in 
search,  in  the  province  of  Ciamba;  and  two 
Indians  conducted  me  to  Carambaru,  where 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  2O$ 

the  people  (who  go  naked)  wear  golden  mir 
rors  round  their  necks,  which  they  will  neither 
sell,  give,  nor  part  with  for  any  consideration. 
They  named  to  me  many  places  on  the  sea- 
coast  where  there  were  both  gold  and  mines. 
The  last  that  they  mentioned  was  Veragua, 
which  was  five-and-twenty  leagues  distant  from 
the  place  where  we  then  were.  I  started  with 
the  intention  of  visiting  all  of  them,  but  when  I 
had  reached  the  middle  of  my  journey  I  learned 
that  there  were  other  mines  at  so  short  a  dis 
tance  that  they  might  be  reached  in  two  days. 
I  determined  on  sending  to  see  them.  It  was 
on  the  eve  of  St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude,  which 
was  the  day  fixed  for  our  departure  ;  but  that 
night  there  arose  so  violent  a  storm  that  we 
were  forced  to  go  wherever  it  drove  us,  and 
the  Indian  who  was  to  conduct  us  to  the  mines 
was  with  us  all  the  time.  As  I  had  found 
everything  true  that  had  been  told  me,  in  the 
different  places  which  I  had  visited,  I  felt 
satisfied  it  would  be  the  same  with  respect  to 
Ciguare,  which,  according  to  their  account,  is 
nine  days1  journey  across  the  country  west- 


206  LETTER   TO 

ward:  they  tell  me  there  is  a  great  quantity  of 
gold  there,  and  that  the  inhabitants  wear  coral 
ornaments  on  their  heads,  and  very  large  coral 
bracelets  and  anklets,  with  which  article  also 
they  adorn  and  inlay  their  seats,  boxes  and 
tables.  They  also  said  that  the  women  there 
wore  necklaces  hanging  down  to  their  shoul 
ders.  All  the  people  agree  in  the  report  I 
now  repeat,  and  their  account  is  so  favorable 
that  I  should  be  content  with  the  tithe  of  the 
advantages  that  their  description  holds  out. 
They  are  all  likewise  acquainted  with  the 
pepper-plant  ;  according  to  the  account  of 
these  people,  the  inhabitants  of  Ciguare  arc 
accustomed  to  hold  fairs  and  markets  for 
carrying  on  their  commerce,  and  they  showed 
me  also  the  mode  and  form  in  which  they 
transact  their  various  exchanges  ;  others  as 
sert  that  their  ships  carry  guns,  and  that  the 
men  go  clothed  and  use  bows  and  arrows, 
swords  and  cuirasses,  and  that  on  shore  they 
have  horses,  which  they  use  in  battle,  and  that 
they  wear  rich  clothes  and  have  most  excel 
lent  houses.  They  also  say  that  the  sea  sur- 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  2O/ 

rounds  Ciguare,  and  that  at  ten  days'  journey 
from  thence  is  the  river  Ganges  ;  these  lands 
appear  to  hold  the  same  relation  to  Veragua,  as 
Tortosa  to  Fontarabia,  or  Pisa  to  Venice. 
When  I  left  Carambaru,  and  reached  the 
places  in  its  neighborhood,  which  I  have 
above  mentioned  as  being  spoken  of  by  the 
Indians,  I  found  the  customs  of  the  people 
correspond  with  the  accounts  that  had  been 
given  of  them,  except  as  regarded  the  golden 
mirrors  :  any  man  who  had  one  of  them  would 
willingly  part  with  it  for  three  Hawk's-bells, 
although  they  were  equivalent  in  weight  to 
ten  or  fifteen  ducats.  These  people  resemble 
the  natives  of  Espariola  in  all  their  habits. 
They  have  various  modes  of  collecting  the 
gold,  none  of  which  will  bear  comparison  with 
the  plans  adopted  by  the  Christians. 

All  that  I  have  here  stated  is  from  hearsay. 
This,  however,  I  know,  that  in  the  year  ninety- 
four  I  sailed  twenty-four  degrees  to  the  west 
ward  in  nine  hours,  and  there  can  be  no  mis 
take  upon  the  subject,  because  there  was  an 
eclipse;  the  sun  was  in  Libra,  and  the  moon  in 


208  LETTER   TO 

Aries.  What  I  had  learned  by  the  mouth  of 
these  people  I  already  knew  in  detail  from 
books.  Ptolemy  thought  that  he  had  satisfac 
torily  corrected  Marinus,  and  yet  this  latter 
appears  to  have  come  very  near  the  truth.'" 
Ptolemy  places  Catigara  at  a  distance  of  twelve 
lines  to  the  west  of  his  meridian,  which  he  fixes 
at  two  degrees  and  a  third  above  Cape  St.  Vin 
cent,  in  Portugal.  Marinus  comprises  the  earth 
and  its  limits  in  fifteen  lines,  and  the  same  au 
thor  describes  the  Indus  in  Ethiopia  as  being 
more  than  four-and-twenty  degrees  from  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  now  that  the  Portuguese 
have  sailed  there,  they  find  it  correct. t  Ptol 
emy  says  also  that  the  most  southern  land  is 
the  first  boundary,  and  that  it  does  not  go 
lower  down  than  fifteen  degrees  and  a  third. 
The  world  is  but  small;  out  of  seven  divisions 


*  This  was  in  reference  to  the  diameter  of  the  earth,  and 
to  the  extent  of  the  Indies.  It  is  needless  to  mention  that 
it  was  the  erroneous  theories  on  this  subject  which  induced 
Columbus  to  believe  that  he  could  reach  the  Indies  by 
sailing  westward,  and  led  him  to  make  the  attempt. 

f  The  expedition  under  Vasco  de  Gama,  which  sailed  in 
1497,  and  reached  India  via  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA 

of  it  the  dry  part  occupies  six,  and  the  seventh 
is  entirely  covered  by  water.  Experience  has 
shown  it,  and  I  have  written  it  with  quotations 
from  the  Holy  Scripture,  in  other  letters,  where 
I  have  treated  of  the  situation  of  the  terrestrial 
paradise,  as  approved  by  the  holy  Church;  and 
I  say  that  the  world  is  not  so  large  as  vulgar 
opinion  makes  it,  and  that  one  degree  from  the 
equinoctial  line  measures  fifty-six  miles  and 
two-thirds;  and  this  maybe  proved  to  a  nicety. 
But  I  leave  this  subject,  which  it  is  not  my  in 
tention  now  to  treat  upon,  but  simply  to  give  a 
narrative  of  my  laborious  and  painful  voyage, 
although  of  all  my  voyages  it  is  the  most  hon 
orable  and  advantageous.  I  have  said  that 
on  the  eve  of  St.  Simon  and  St.  Jude  I  ran  be 
fore  the  wind  wherever  it  took  me,  without 
power  to  resist  it;  at  length  I  found  shelter  for 
ten  days  from  the  roughness  of  the  sea  and  the 
tempest  overhead,  and  resolved  not  to  attempt 
to  go  back  to  the  mines,  which  I  regarded  as 
already  in  our  possession.  When  I  started  in 
pursuance  of  my  voyage  it  was  under  a  heavy 
rain,  and  reaching  the  harbor  of  Bastimentos 


210  LETTER    TO 

I  put  in,  though  much  against  my  will.  The 
storm  and  a  rapid  current  kept  me  in  for  four 
teen  days,  when  I  again  set  sail,  but  not  with 
favorable  weather.  After  I  had  made  fifteen 
leagues  with  great  exertions,  the  wind  and  the 
current  drove  me  back  again  with  great  furv, 

o  o  J  f 

but  in  again  making  for  the  port  which  I  had 
quitted,  I  found  on  the  way  another  port,  which 
I  named  Retrete,  where  I  put  in  for  shelter 
with  as  much  risk  as  regret,  the  ships  being  in 
sad  condition,  and  my  crews  and  myself  ex 
ceedingly  fatigued.  I  remained  there  fifteen 
days,  kept  in  by  stress  of  weather,  and  when  I 
fancied  my  troubles  were  at  an  end,  I  found 
them  only  begun.  It  was  then  that  I  changed 
my  resolution  with  respect  to  proceeding  to  the 
mines,  and  proposed  doing  something  in  the  in 
terim,  until  the  weather  should  prove  more  fa 
vorable  for  my  voyage.  I  had  already  made  four 
leagues  when  the  storm  recommenced,  and 
wearied  me  to  such  a  degree  that  I  absolutely 
knew  not  what  to  do;  my  wound  reopened, 
and  for  nine  days  my  life  was  despaired  of; 
never  was  the  sea  so  high,  so  terrific,  and  so 


FERDINAND    AND   ISABELLA  211 

covered  with  foam;  not  only  did  the  wind  op 
pose  our  proceeding  onward,  but  it  also  ren 
dered  it  highly  dangerous  to  run  in  for  any 
headland,  and  kept  me  in  that  sea  which  seem 
ed  to  me  as  a  sea  of  blood,  seething  like  a 
cauldron  on  a  mighty  fire.  Never  did  the  sky 
look  more  fearful;  during  one  day  and  one 
night  it  burned  like  a  furnace,  and  every  in 
stant  I  looked  to  see  if  my  masts  and  my  sails 
were  not  destroyed;  for  the  lightnings  flashed 
with  such  alarming  fury  that  we  all  thought 
the  ships  must  have  been  consumed.  All  this 
time  the  waters  from  heaven  never  ceased  de 
scending,  not  to  say  that  it  rained,  for  it  was 
like  a  repetition  of  the  deluge.  The  men  were 
at  this  time  so  crushed  in  spirit  that  they  long 
ed  for  death  as  a  deliverance  from  so  many 
martyrdoms.  T\vice  already  had  the  ships  suf 
fered  loss  in  boats,  anchors,  and  rigging,  and 
were  now  lying  bare  without  sails. 

When  it  pleased  our  Lord,  I  returned  to 
Puerto  Gordo,  where  I  recruited  my  condition 
as  well  as  I  could.  I  then  once  more  attempted 
the  voyage  toward  Veragua,  although  I  was 


212  LETTER    TO 

by  no  means  in  a  fit  state  to  undertake  it.  The 
wind  and  currents  were  still  contrary.  I  ar 
rived  at  nearly  the  same  spot  as  before,  and 
there  again  the  wind  and  currents  still  opposed 
my  progress;  and  once  again  I  was  compelled 
to  put  into  port,  not  daring  to  encounter  the 
opposition  of  Saturn  with  such  a  boisterous  sea, 
and  on  so  formidable  a  coast;  for  it  almost  al 
ways  brings  on  a  tempest  or  severe  weather. 
This  was  on  Christmas-day,  about  the  hour  of 
mass.  Thus,  after  all  these  fatigues,  I  had  once 
more  to  return  to  the  spot  from  whence  I  start 
ed;  and  when  the  new  year  had  set  in,  I  re 
turned  again  to  my  task;  but  although  I  had 
fine  weather  for  my  voyage,  the  ships  were  no 
longer  in  a  sailing  condition,  and  my  people 
were  either  dying  or  very  sick.  On  the  day  of 
the  Epiphany,  I  reached  Veragua  in  a  state  of 
exhaustion;  there,  by  our  Lord's  goodness,  I 
found  a  river  and  a  safe  harbor,  although  at 
the  entrance  there  were  only  ten  spans  of  water. 
I  succeeded  in  making  an  entry,  but  with  great 
difficulty;  and  on  the  following  day  the  storm 
recommenced,  and  had  I  been  still  on  the  out- 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  213 

side  at  that  time  I  should  have  been  unable  to 
enter  on  account  of  the  reef.  It  rained  without 
ceasing  until  the  fourteenth  of  February,  so 
that  I  could  find  no  opportunity  of  penetrating 
into  the  interior,  nor  of  recruiting;  my  condition 
in  any  respect  whatever;  and  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  of  January,  when  I  considered  myself  in 
perfect  safety,  the  river  suddenly  rose  with 
great  violence  to  a  considerable  height,  break 
ing  my  cables  and  the  supports  to  which  they 
were  fastened,  and  nearly  carrying  away  my 
ships  altogether,  which  certainly  appeared  to 
me  to  be  in  greater  danger  than  ever.  Our 
Lord,  however,  brought  a  remedy  as  He  has 
always  done.  I  do  not  know  if  any  one  else 
ever  suffered  greater  trials. 

On  the  sixth  of  February,  while  it  was  still 
raining,  I  sent  seventy  men  on  shore  to  go  into 
the  interior,  and  at  five  leagues'  distance  they 
found  several  mines.  The  Indians  who  went 
with  them  conducted  them  to  a  very  lofty 
mountain,  and  thence  showing  the  country  all 
round,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  told  them 
there  was  gold  in  every  part,  and  that,  toward 


214  LETTER    TO 

the  west,  the  mines  extended  twenty  days' 
journey;  they  also  recounted  the  names  of  the 
towns  and  villages  where  there  was  more  or 
less  of  it.  I  afterward  learned  that  the  Cacique 
Quibian,  who  had  lent  these  Indians,  had  or 
dered  them  to  show  the  distant  mines, and  which 
belonged  to  an  enemy  of  his;  but  that  in  his 
own  territory  one  man  might,  if  he  would,  col 
lect  in  ten  clays  a  great  abundance  of  gold.  I 
bring  with  me  some  Indians,  his  servants,  who 
are  witnesses  of  this  fact.  The  boats  went  up 
to  the  spot  where  the  dwellings  of  these  peo 
ple  are  situated;  and  after  four  hours  my 
brother  returned  with  the  guides,  all  of  them 
bringing  back  gold  which  they  had  collected 
at  that  place.  The  gold  must  be  abundant,  and 
of  good  quality,  for  none  of  these  men  had 
ever  seen  mines  before;  very  many  of  them 
had  never  seen  pure  gold,  and  most  of  them 
were  seamen  and  lads.  Having  building  ma 
terials  in  abundance,  I  established  a  settlement, 
and  made  many  presents  to  Quibian,  which  is 
the  name  they  gave  to  the  lord  of  the  coun 
try.  I  plainly  saw  that  harmony  would  not 


FERDINAND    AND     ISABELLA  21 5 

last  long,  for  the  natives  are  of  a  very  rough 
disposition,  and  the  Spaniards  very  encroach 
ing;  and,  moreover,  I  had  taken  possession  of 
land  belonging  to  Quibian.  When  he  saw 
what  we  did,  and  found  the  traffic  increasing, 
he  resolved  upon  burning  the  houses,  and  put 
ting  us  all  to  death;  but  his  project  did  not 
succeed,  for  we  took  him  prisoner,  together 
with  his  wives,  his  children,  and  his  servants. 
His  captivity,  it  is  true,  lasted  but  a  short  time, 
for  he  eluded  the  custody  of  a  trustworthy  man, 
into  whose  charge  he  had  been  given,  with  a 
guard  of  men;  and  his  sons  escaped  from  a 
ship,  in  which  they  had  been  placed  under  the 
special  charge  of  the  master. 

In  the  month  of  January  the  mouth  of  the 
river  was  entirely  closed  up,  and  in  April  the 
vessels  were  so  eaten  with  the  teredo,*  that 
they  could  scarcely  be  kept  above  water.  At 
this  time  the  river  forced  a  channel  for  itself, 
by  which  I  managed,  with  great  difficulty,  to 
extricate  three  of  them  after  I  had  unloaded 
them.  The  boats  were  then  sent  back  into  the 

*  The  mollusk  that  bores  through  the  bottoms  of  vessels. 


2l6  LETTER    TO 

river  for  water  and  salt,  but  the  sea  became  so 
high  and  furious,  that  it  afforded  them  no 
chance  of  exit;  upon  which  the  Indians  col 
lected  themselves  together  in  great  numbers, 
and  made  an  attack  upon  the  boats,  and  at 
length  massacred  the  men.  My  brother,  and 
all  the  rest  of  our  people,  were  in  a  ship  which 
remained  inside;  I  was  alone,  outside,  upon 
that  dangerous  coast,  suffering  from  a  severe 
fever  and  worn  with  fatigue.  All  hope  of 
escape  was  gone.  I  toiled  up  to  the  highest 
part  of  the  ship,  and,  with  a  quivering  voice 
and  fast-falling  tears,  I  called  upon  your  High- 
nesses'  war- captains  from  each  point  of  the 
compass  to  come  to  my  succor,  but  there  was 
no  reply.  At  length,  groaning  with  exhaustion, 
I  fell  asleep,  and  heard  a  compassionate  voice 
address  me  thus:  '"  O  fool,  and  slow  to  believe 
and  to  serve  thy  God,  the  God  of  all;  what  did 
He  do  more  for  Moses,  or  for  David  his  serv 
ant,  than  He  has  clone  for  thee  ?  From  thine 
infancy  He  has  kept  thee  under  His  constant 
and  watchful  care.  When  He  saw  thee  arrived 
at  an  age  which  suited  His  designs  respecting 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA 


thcc,  He  brought  wonderful  renown  to  thy 
name  throughout  all  the  land.  He  gave  thce 
for  thine  own  the  Indies,  which  form  so  rich  a 
portion  of  the  world,  and  thou  hast  divided 
them  as  it  pleased  thce,  for  He  gave  thee  power 
to  do  so.  He  gave  thce  the  keys  of  those  bar 
riers  of  the  ocean  sea  which  were  closed  with 
such  mighty  chains;  and  thou  wast  obeyed 
through  many  lands,  and  gained  an  honorable 
fame  throughout  Christendom.  What  more 
did  the  Most  High  do  for  the  people  of  Israel, 
when  He  brought  them  out  of  Egypt  ?  or  for 
David,  whom  from  a  shepherd  He  made  to  be 
a  king  in  Juclea  ?  Turn  to  Him,  and  acknowl 
edge  thine  error — His  mercy  is  infinite.  Thine 
old  age  shall  not  prevent  thee  from  accom 
plishing  any  great  undertaking.  He  holds  un 
der  His  sway  the  greatest  possessions.  Abra 
ham  had  exceeded  a  hundred  years  of  age 
when  he  begat  Isaac;  nor  was  Sarah  young. 
Thou  criest  out  for  uncertain  help;  answer, 
who  has  afflicted  thee  so  much  and  so  often, 
God  or  the  \vorld  ?  The  privileges  promised 
by  God  He  never  fails  in  bestowing;  nor  does 


2l8  LETTER    TO 

He  ever  declare,  after  a  service  has  been  ren 
dered  Him,  that  such  was  not  agreeable  with 
His  intention,  or  that  He  had  regarded  the 
matter  in  another  light;  nor  does  He  inflict 
suffering,  in  order  to  give  effect  to  the  mani 
festation  of  His  power.  His  acts  answer  to  His 
words;  and  it  is  His  custom  to  perform  all  His 
promises  with  interest.  Thus  I  have  told  you 
what  the  Creator  has  done  for  thee,  and  what 
He  does  for  all  men.  Even  now  He  partially 
shows  thee  the  reward  of  so  many  toils  and 
dangers  incurred  by  thee  in  the  service  of  oth 
ers." 

I  heard  all  this,  as  it  were,  in  a  trance;  but 
I  had  no  answer  to  give  in  definite  words,  and 
could  but  weep  for  my  errors.  He  who  spoke 
to  me,  whoever  it  was,  concluded  by  saying, 
"  Fear  not,  trust;  all  these  tribulations  are  re 
corded  on  marble,  and  not  without  cause."  I 
rose  as  soon  as  I  could;  and  at  the  end  of  nine- 
days  there  came  fine  weather,  but  not  suffi 
ciently  so  as  to  allow  of  drawing  the  vessels 
out  of  the  river.  I  collected  the  men  who 
were  on  land,  and,  in  fact,  all  of  them  that  I 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  219 

could,  because  there  were  not  enough  to  admit 
of  one  party  remaining  on  shore  while  another 
stayed  on  board  to  work  the  vessel.  I  myself 
should  have  remained  with  my.  men  to  defend 
the  buildings  I  had  constructed,  had  your 
Highnesses  been  cognizant  of  all  the  facts; 
but  the  cloubt  whether  any  ships  would  ever 
reach  the  spot  where  we  were,  as  well  as  the 
thought,  that  while  I  was  asking-  for  succor  I 

o  o 

might  bring  succor  to  myself,  made  me  de 
cide  upon  leaving.  I  departed,  in  the  name 
of  the  Holy  Trinity,  on  Easter  night,  with  the 
ships  rotten,  worn  out,  and  eaten  into  holes. 
One  of  them  I  left  at  Belen,  with  a  supply  of 
necessaries;  I  did  the  same  at  Belpuerto.  I 
then  had  only  two  left,  and  they  in  the  same 
state  as  the  others.  I  was  without  boats  or 
provisions,  and  in  this  condition  I  had  to  cross 
seven  thousand  miles  of  sea;  or,  as  an  alterna 
tive,  to  die  on  the  passage  with  my  son,  my 
brother,  and  so  many  of  my  people.  Let  those 
who  are  accustomed  to  slander  and  aspersion, 
ask,  while  they  sit  in  security  at  home,  ''Why 
diclst  thou  not  do  so  and  so  under  such  circum- 


220  LETTER    TO 

stances  ? "  I  wish  that  they  were  now  em 
barked  in  this  voyage.  I  verily  believe  that 
another  journey  of  another  kind  awaits  them, 
if  there  is  any  reliance  to  be  placed  upon  our 
holy  faith. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  May  I  reached  the  prov 
ince  of  Mago,  which  is  contiguous  to  that  of 
Cathay,  and  thence  I  started  for  the  island  of 
Espaiiola.  I  sailed  two  clays  with  a  good 
wind,  after  which  it  became  contrary.  The 
route  that  I  followed  called  forth  all  my  care 
to  avoid  the  numerous  islands,  that  I  might 
not  be  stranded  on  the  shoals  that  lie  in  their 
neighborhood.  The  sea  was  very  tempestuous, 
and  I  was  driven  backwards  under  bare  poles. 
I  anchored  at  an  island,  where  I  lost,  at  one 
stroke,  three  anchors;  and  at  midnight,  when 
the  weather  was  such  that  the  world  appeared 
to  be  coming  to  an  end,  the  cables  of  the  other 
ship  broke,  and  it  came  down  upon  my  vessel 
with  such  force  that  it  was  a  wonder  we  were 
not  dashed  to  pieces  ;  the  single  anchor  that 
remained  to  me,  was,  next  to  the  Lord,  our 
only  preservation.  After  six  days,  when  the 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  221 

weather  became  calm,  I  resumed  my  journey, 
having  already  lost  all  my  tackle  ;  my  ships 
were  pierced  with  worm-holes,  like  a  bee-hive, 
and  the  crew  entirely  dispersed  and  down 
hearted.  I  reached  the  island  a  little  beyond 
the  point  at  which  I  first  arrived  at  it,  and  there 
I  stayed  to  recover  myself  from  the  effects  of 
the  storm  ;  but  I  afterward  put  into  a  much 
safer  port  in  the  same  island.  After  eight 
days  I  put  to  sea  again,  and  reached  Jamaica 
by  the  end  of  June  ;  but  always  beating 
against  contrary  winds,  and  with  the  ships 
in  the  worst  possible  condition.  With  three 
pumps,  and  the  use  of  pots  and  kettles,  we 
could  scarcely  clear  the  water  that  came  into 
the  ship  ;  there  being  no  remedy  but  this  for 
the  mischief  done  by  the  ship-worm.  I  steered 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  come  as  near  as  possi 
ble  to  Espanola,  from  which  we  were  twenty- 
eight  leagues  distant,  but  I  afterward  wished  I 
had  not  done  so,  for  the  other  ship,  which  was 
half  under  water,  was  obliged  to  run  in  for  a 
port.  I  determined  on  keeping  the  sea  in  spite 
of  the  weather,  and  my  vessel  was  on  the  very 


222  LETTER    TO 

point  of  sinking  when  our  Lord  miraculously 
brought  us  upon  land.  Who  will  believe  what 
I  now  write  ?  I  assert  that  in  this  letter  I 
have  not  related  one-hundredth  part  of  the 
wonderful  events  that  occurred  in  this  voyage  ; 
those  who  were  with  the  Admiral  can  bear 
witness  to  it.  If  your  Highnesses  would  be 
graciously  pleased  to  send  to  my  help  a  ship 
of  about  sixty-four  tons,  with  two  hundred 
quintals  of  biscuit  and  other  provisions,  there 
would  then  be  sufficient  to  carry  me  and  my 
crew  from  Espariola  to  Spain.  I  have  already 
said  that  there  are  not  twenty-eight  leagues 
between  Jamaica  and  Espanola  ;  and  I  should 
not  have  gone  there,  even  if  the  ships  had 
been  in  a  fit  condition  for  so  doing,  because 
your  Highnesses  ordered  me  not  to  land  there. 
God  knows  if  this  command  has  proved  of  any 
service.  I  send  this  letter  by  means  of  and  by 
the  hands  of  Indians  ;  it  will  be  a  miracle  if  it 
reaches  its  destination. 

This  is  the  account  I  have  to  give  of  my 
voyage.  The  men  who  accompanied  me  were 
a  hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  among  whom 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  223 

were  many  calculated  for  pilots  and  good  sail 
ors,  but  none  of  them  can  explain  whither  I 
went  nor  whence  I  came  ;  the  reason  is  very 
simple  :  1  started  from  a  point  above  the  port 
of  Brazil,  and  while  I  was  in  Espariola,  the 
storm  prevented  me  from  following  my  in 
tended  route,  for  I  was  obliged  to  go  \vherever 
the  wind  drove  me;  at  the  same  time  I  fell 
very  sick,  and  there  was  no  one  who  had  navi 
gated  in  these  parts  before.  However,  after 
some  clays,  the  wind  and  sea  became  tranquil, 
and  the  storm  was  succeeded  by  a  calm,  but 
accompanied  with  rapid  currents.  I  put  into 
harbor  at  an  island  called  Isla  de  las  Bocas, 
and  then  steered  for  terra  firma;  but  it  is  im 
possible  to  give  a  correct  account  of  all  our 
movements,  because  I  was  carried  away  by 
the  current  so  many  days  without  seeing  land. 
I  ascertained,  however,  by  the  compass  and 
by  observation,  that  I  moved  parallel  with  the 
coast  of  terra  firma.  No  one  could  tell  under 
what  part  of  the  heavens  we  were,  nor  at  what 
period  I  bent  my  course  for  the  island  of  Es 
panola.  The  pilots  thought  we  had  come  to 


224  LETTER   TO 

the  island  of  St.  John,  whereas  it  was  the  land 
of  Mango,  four  hundred  leagues  to  the  west 
ward  of  where  they  said.  Let  them  answer 
and  say  if  they  know  where  Veragua  is  situ 
ated.  I  assert  that  they  can  give  no  other  ac 
count  than  that  they  went  to  lands  where 
there  was  an  abundance  of  gold,  and  this  they 
can  certify  surely  enough  ;  but  they  do  not 
know  the  wray  to  return  thither  for  such  a  pur 
pose  ;  they  would  be  obliged  to  go  on  a  voy 
age  of  discovery  as  much  as  if  they  had  never 
been  there  before.  There  is  a  mode  of  reckon 
ing  derived  from  astronomy  which  is  sure  and 
safe,  and  a  sufficient  guide  to  any  one  who 
understands  it.  This  resembles  a  prophetic 
vision.  The  Indian  vessels  do  not  sail  except 
with  the  wrind  abaft,  but  this  is  not  because 
they  are  badly  built  or  clumsy,  but  because  the 
strong  currents  in  those  parts,  together  with 
the  wind,  render  it  impossible  to  sail  with  the 
bow-line,  for  in  one  day  they  would  lose  as 
much  way  as  they  might  have  made  in  seven  ; 
for  the  same  reason  I  could  make  no  use  of 
caravels,  even  though  they  were  Portuguese 


FERDINAND   AND    ISABELLA  225 

lattccns.  This  is  the  cause  that  they  do  not 
sail  unless  with  a  regular  breeze,  and  they  will 
sometimes  stay  in  harbor  waiting  for  this  seven 
or  eight  months  at  a  time  ;  nor  is  this  any 
thing  wonderful,  for  the  same  very  often  occurs 
in  Spain.  The  nation  of  which  Pope  Pius 
writes  has  now  been  found,  judging  at  least 
by  the  situation  and  other  evidences,  except 
ing  the  horses  with  the  saddles  and  poitrcls 
and  bridles  of  gold  ;  but  this  is  not  to  be  won 
dered  at,  for  the  lands  on  the  sea-coast  arc  only 
inhabited  by  fishermen,  and  moreover  I  made 
no  stay  there,  because  I  was  in  haste  to  pro 
ceed  on  my  voyage.  In  Cariay  and  the  neigh 
boring  country  there  are  great  enchanters  of  a 
very  fearful  character.  They  would  have  given 
the  world  to  prevent  my  remaining  there  an 
hour.  When  I  arrived  they  sent  me  imme 
diately  two  girls  very  showily  dressed  ;  the 
eldest  could  not  be  more  than  eleven  years  of 
age,  and  the  other  seven,  and  both  exhibited 
so  much  immodesty  that  more  could  not  be 
expected  from  public  women  ;  they  carried 
concealed  about  them  a  magic  powder  ;  when 


226  LETTER    TO 

they  came  I  gave  them  some  articles  to  dress 
themselves  out  with,  and  directly  sent  them 
back  to  the  shore.  I  saw  here,  built  on  a 
mountain,  a  sepulchre  as  large  as  a  house,  and 
elaborately  sculptured  ;  the  body  lay  uncover 
ed  and  with  the  face  downward  ;  they  also 
spoke  to  me  of  other  very  excellent  works  of 
art.  There  are  many  species  of  animals,  both 
small  and  large,  and  very  different  from  those 
of  our  country.  I  had  at  the  time  two  pigs 
and  an  Irish  dog,  who  was  always  in  great 
dread  of  them.  An  archer  had  wounded  an 
animal  like  an  ape,  except  that  it  was  larger, 
and  had  a  face  like  a  man's  ;  the  arrow  had 
pierced  it  from  the  neck  to  the  tail,  which 
made  it  so  fierce  that  they  were  obliged  to  dis 
able  it  by  cutting  off  one  of  its  arms  and  a  leg; 
one  of  the  pigs  grew  wild  on  seeing  this,  and 
fled  ;  upon  which  I  ordered  the  bcgare  (as  the 
inhabitants  called  him),  to  be  thrown  to  the 
pig,  and  though  the  animal  was  nearly  dead, 
and  the  arrow  had  passed  quite  through  his 
body,  yet  he  threw  his  tail  round  the  snout  of 
the  pig,  and  then,  holding  him  firmly,  seized 


FERDINAND   AND    ISABELLA  22/ 

him  by  the  nape  of  the  neck  with  his  remain 
ing  hand,  as  if  he  were  engaged  with  an  enemy. 
This  action  was  so  novel  and  so  extraordinary 
that  I  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  describe 
it  here.  There  is  a  great  variety  of  animals 
here,  but  they  all  die  of  the  barra.  I  saw  some 
very  large  fowls  (the  feathers  of  which  re 
semble  \vool),  lions,  stags,  fallow-deer  and 
birds. 

When  we  were  so  harassed  with  our  trou 
bles  at  sea,  some  of  our  men  imagined  that 
we  were  under  the  influence  of  sorcery,  and 
even  to  this  day  entertain  the  same  notion. 
Some  of  the  people  whom  I  discovered  were 
cannibals,  as  was  evidenced  by  the  brutality  of 
their  countenances.  They  say  that  there  are 
great  mines  of  copper  in  the  country,  of  which 
they  make  hatchets  and  other  elaborate  arti 
cles,  both  cast  and  soldered;  they  also  make 
of  it  forges,  with  all  the  apparatus  of  the  gold 
smith,  and  crucibles.  The  inhabitants  go 
clothed;  and  in  that  province  T  saw  some  large 
sheets  of  cotton,  very  elaborately  and  cleverly 
worked,  and  others  very  delicately  penciled 


228  LETTER    TO 

in  colors.  They  tell  me  that  more  inland,  tow 
ard  Cathay,  they  have  them  interwoven  with 
gold.  For  \vant  of  an  interpreter  we  were  able 
to  learn  but  very  little  respecting  these  coun 
tries,  or  what  they  contain.  Although  the  coun 
try  is  very  thickly  peopled,  yet  each  nation  has 
a  very  different  language;  indeed,  so  much  so 
that  they  can  no  more  understand  each  other 
than  we  understand  the  Arabs.  I  think,  how 
ever,  that  this  applies  to  the  barbarians  on  the 
seacoast,  and  not  to  the  people  who  live  more 
inland.  When  I  discovered  the  Indies  I  said 
that  they  composed  the  richest  lordship  in  the 
world:  I  spoke  of  gold  and  pearls  and  precious 
stones,  of  spices  and  the  traffic  that  might  be 
carried  on  in  them;  and  because  these  things 
were  not  forthcoming  at  once,  I  was  abused. 
This  punishment  causes  me  to  refrain  from  re 
lating  anything  but  what  the  natives  tell  me. 
One  thing  I  can  venture  upon  stating,  because 
there  are  so  many  witnesses  of  it,  viz.,  that  in 
this  land  of  Veragua  I  saw  more  signs  of  gold 
in  the  first  two  days  than  I  saw  in  Espariola 
during  four  years,  and  that  there  is  not  a  more 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  22Q 

fertile  or  better  cultivated  country  in  all  the 
world,  nor  one  whose  inhabitants  are  more 
timid;  added  to  which,  there  is  a  good  harbor, 
a  beautiful  river,  and  the  whole  place  is  capa 
ble  of  being  easily  put  into  a  state  of  defence. 
All  this  tends  to  the  security  of  the  Christians 
and  the  permanency  of  their  sovereignty,  while 
it  affords  the  hope  of  great  increase  and  honor 
to  the  Christian  religion;  moreover,  the  road 
hither  will  be  as  short  as  that  to  Espanola, 
because  there  is  a  certainty  of  a  fair  wind  for 
the  passage.  Your  Highnesses  are  as  much 
lords  of  this  country  as  of  Xerez  or  Toledo, 
and  your  ships  that  may  come  here  will  do  so 
with  the  same  freedom  as  if  they  were  going  to 
your  o\vn  royal  palace.  From  hence  they  will 
obtain  gold,  and  whereas,  if  they  should  wish 
to  become  masters  of  the  products  of  other 
lands,  they  will  have  to  take  them  by  force  or 
retire  empty-handed,  in  this  country  they  will 
simply  have  to  trust  their  persons  in  the  hands 
of  a  savage. 

I  have  already  explained  my  reason  for  re 
fraining  to   treat   of  other   subjects'  respecting 


230  LETTER    TO 

which  I  might  speak.  I  do  not  state  as  cer 
tain,  nor  do  I  confirm  even  the  sixth  part  of 
all  that  I  have  said  or  written,  nor  do  I  pre 
tend  to  be  at  the  fountain-head  of  the  informa 
tion.  The  Genoese,  Venetians,  and  all  other 
nations  that  possess  pearls,  precious  stones, 
and  other  articles  of  value,  take  them  to  the 
ends  of  the  world  to  exchange  them  for  gold. 
Gold  is  the  most  precious  of  all  commodities; 
gold  constitutes  treasure,  and  he  who  possess 
es  it  has  all  he  needs  in  this  world,  as  also 
the  means  of  rescuing  souls  from  purgatory, 
and  restoring  them  to  the  enjoyment  of  para 
dise.  They  say  that  when  one  of  the  lords  of 
the  country  of  Veragua  dies,  they  bury  all  the 
gold  he  possessed  with  his  body.  There  were 
brought  to  Solomon  at  one  journey  six  hundred 
and  sixty-six  quintals  of  gold,  besides  what 
the  merchants  and  sailors  brought,  and  that 
which  was  paid  in  Arabia.  Of  this  gold  he 
made  2OO  lances  and  300  shields,  and  the  en 
tablature  which  was  above  them  was  also  of 
gold,  and  ornamented  with  precious  stones : 
many  other  things  he  made  likewise  of  gold, 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  231 

and  a  great  number  of  vessels  of  great  size, 
which  he  enriched  with  precious  stones.  This 
is  related  by  Josephus  in  his  Chronicle  de 
"  Antiquitatibus  ;"  mention  is  also  made  of  it 
in  the  Chronicles  and  in  the  Book  of  Kings. 
Josephus  thinks  that  this  gold  was  found  in  the 
Aurea;  if  it  were  so,  I  contend  that  these 
mines  of  the  Aurea  are  identical  with  those  of 
Veragua,  which,  as  I  have  said  before,  extends 
westward  twenty  days'  journey,  at  an  equal 
distance  from  the  Pole  and  the  Line.  Solomon 
bought  all  of  it — gold,  precious  stones  and 
silver — but  your  Majesties  need  only  to  send 
to  seek  them  to  have  them  at  your  pleasure. 
David,  in  his  will,  left  three  thousand  quintals 
of  Indian  gold  to  Solomon,  to  assist  in  building 
the  Temple;  and,  according  to  Josephus,  it 
came  from  these  lands.  Jerusalem  and  Mount 
Zion  are  to  be  rebuilt  by  the  hands  of  Chris 
tians,  as  God  has  declared  by  the  mouth  of 
His  prophet  in  the  Fourteenth  Psalm.  The 
Abbe  Joaquim  said  that  he  who  should  do  this 
was  to  come  from  Spain;  Saint  Jerome  showed 
the  holy  woman  the  way  to  accomplish  it;  and 


232  LETTER    TO 

the  Emperor  of  China  has,  some  time  since, 
sent  for  wise  men  to  instruct  him  in  the  faith 
of  Christ.  Who  will  offer  himself  for  this 
work?  Should  any  one  do  so,  I  pledge  my 
self,  in  the  name  of  God,  to  convey  him  safely 
thither,  provided  -the  Lord  permits  me  to  re 
turn  to  Spain.  The  people  who  have  sailed 
with  me  have  passed  through  incredible  toil 
and  danger,  and  I  beseech  your  Highnesses, 
since  they  are  poor,  to  pay  them  promptly,  and 
to  be  gracious  to  each  of  them  according  to 
their  respective  merits  ;  for  I  can  safely  assert, 
that  to  my  belief  they  are  the  bearers  of  the 
best  news  that  ever  were  carried  to  Spain. 
With  respect  to  the  gold  which  belongs  to 
Quibian,  the  cacique  of  Veragua,  and  other 
chiefs  in  the  neighboring  country,  although  it 
appears  by  the  accounts  we  have  received  of  it 
to  be  very  abundant,  I  do  not  think  it  would 
be  well  or  desirable,  on  the  part  of  your  High 
nesses,  to  take  possession  of  it  in  the  way  of 
plunder;  by  fair  dealing,  scandal  and  disrepute 
will  be  avoided,  and  all  the  gold  will  thus 
reach  your  Highnesses'  treasury  without  the 


FERDINAND    AND   ISABELLA  233 

loss  of  a  grain.  With  one  month  of  fair  weath 
er  I  shall  complete  my  voyage.  As  I  was  de 
ficient  in  ships,  I  did  not  persist  in  delaying 
my  course;  but  in  everything  that  concerns 
your  Highnesses'  service,  I  trust  in  Him  who 
made  me,  and  I  hope  also  that  my  health  will 
be  reestablished.  I  think  your  Highnesses 
will  remember  that  I  had  intended  to  build 
some  ships  in  a  new  manner,  but  the  shortness 
of  the  time  did  not  permit  it.  I  had  certainly 
foreseen  how  things  would  be.  I  think  more 
of  this  opening  for  commerce,  and  of  the  lord 
ship  over  such  extensive  mines,  than  of  all  that 
has  been  clone  in  the  Indies.  This  is  not  a 
child  to  be  left  to  the  care  of  a  stepmother. 

I  never  think  of  Kspariola,  and  Paria,  and 
other  countries,  without  shedding  tears.  I 
thought  that  what  had  occurred  there  would 

o 

have  been  an  example  for  others;  on  the  con 
trary,  these  settlements  are  now  in  a  languid 
state,  although  not  dead,  and  the  malady  is  in 
curable,  or  at  least  very  extensive:  let  him  who 
brought  the  evil  come  now  and  cure  it,  if  he 
knows  the  remedy,  or  how  to  apply  it;  but 


234  LETTER    TO 

when  a  disturbance  is  on  foot,  every  one  is 
ready  to  take  the  lead.  It  used  to  be  the  cus 
tom  to  give  thanks  and  promotion  to  him  who 
placed  his  person  in  jeopardy;  but  there  is  no 
justice  in  allowing"  the  man  who  opposed  this 
undertaking  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  it  with  his 
children.  Those  who  left  the  Indies,  avoiding 
the  toils  consequent  upon  the  enterprise,  and 
speaking  evil  of  it  and  me,  have  since  returned 
with  official  appointments:  such  is  the  case  now 
in  Veragua:  it  is  an  evil  example,  and  profit 
less  both  as  regards  the  business  in  which  we 
are  embarked  and  as  respects  the  general  main 
tenance  of  justice.  The  fear  of  this,  with  other 
sufficient  considerations  which  I  clearly  fore 
saw,  caused  me  to  beg  your  Highnesses,  pre 
viously  to  my  coming  to  discover  these  islands 
and  terra  firma,  to  grant  me  permission  to  gov 
ern  in  your  royal  name.  Your  Highnesses 
granted  my  request;  and  it  was  a  privilege  and 
treaty  granted  under  the  royal  seal  and  oath, 
by  which  I  was  nominated  Viceroy,  and  Admi 
ral,  and  Governor-General  of  all:  and  your 
Highnesses  limited  the  extent  of  my  govern- 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  235 

ment  to  a  hundred  leagues  beyond  the  Azores 
and  Cape  Verd  Islands,  by  a  line  passing  from 
one  pole  to  the  other,  and  gave  me  ample  pow 
er  over  all  that  I  might  discover  beyond  this 
line;  all  which  is  more  fully  described  in  the 
official  document. 

But  the  most  important  affair  of  all,  and  that 
which  cries  most  loudly  for  redress,  remains  in 
explicable  to  this  moment.  For  seven  years  was 
I  at  your  royal  court,  where  every  one  to  whom 
the  enterprise  was  mentioned  treated  it  as  ri 
diculous;  but  now  there  is  not  a  man,  down  to 
the  very  tailors,  who  does  not  beg  to  be  allowed 
to  become  a  discoverer.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  they  make  the  voyage  only  for 
plunder,  and  that  they  are  permitted  to  do  so, 
to  the  great  disparagement  of  my  honor,  and 
the  detriment  of  the  undertaking  itself.  It  is 
right  to  give  God  his  due,  and  to  receive  that 
which  belongs  to  one's  self.  This  is  a  just  sen 
timent  and  proceeds  from  just  feelings.  The 
lands  in  this  part  of  the  world  which  are  now 
under  your  Highnesses'  sway,  are  richer  and 
more  extensive  than  those  of  any  other  Chris- 


236  LETTER    TO 

tian  power,  and  yet,  after  that  I  had,  by  the 
Divine  will,  placed  them  under  your  high  and 
royal  sovereignty  and  was  on  the  point  of 
bringing  your  Majesties  into  the  receipt  of  a 
very  great  and  unexpected  revenue;  and  while 
I  was  waiting  for  ships  to  convey  me  in  safety, 
and  with  a  heart  full  of  joy,  to  your  royal  pres 
ence,  victoriously  to  announce  the  news  of  the 
gold  that  I  had  discovered,  I  was  arrested  and 
thrown,  with  my  two  brothers,  loaded  with 
irons,  into  a  ship,  stripped,  and  very  ill-treated, 
without  being  allowed  any  appeal  to  justice. 
Who  could  believe  that  a  poor  foreigner  would 
have  risen  against  your  Highnesses,  in  such  a 
place,  without  any  motive  or  argument  on  his 
side;  without  even  the  assistance  of  any  other 
prince  upon  which  to  rely;  but  on  the  con 
trary,  amongst  your  own  vassals  and  nat 
ural  subjects,  and  with  my  sons  staying  at 
your  royal  court?  I  was  twenty-eight  years 
old  when  I  came  into  your  Highnesses'  ser 
vice,  and  now  I  have  not  a  hair  upon  me  that 
is  not  grey;  my  body  is  infirm,  and  all  that  was 
left  to  me,  as  well  as  to  my  brothers,  has  been 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  237 

taken  away  and  sold,  even  to  the  frock  that  I 
wore,  to  my  great  dishonor.  I  cannot  but  be 
lieve  that  this  was  done  without  your  royal 
permission.  The  restitution  of  my  honor,  the 
reparation  of  my  losses,  and  the  punishment 
of  those  who  have  inflicted  them,  will  redound 
to  the  honor  of  your  royal  character;  a  similar 
punishment  also  is  clue  to  those  who  plundered 
me  of  my  pearls,  and  who  have  brought  a  dis 
paragement  upon  the  privileges  of  my  Admi 
ralty.  Great  and  unexampled  will  be  the 
glory  and  fame  of  your  Highnesses,  if  you  do 
this;  and  the  memory  of  your  Highnesses,  as 
just  and  grateful  sovereigns,  will  survive  as  a 
bright  example  to  Spain  in  future  ages.  The 
honest  devotedness  I  have  always  shown  to 
your  Majesties'  service,  and  the  so  unmerited 
outrage  with  which  it  has  been  repaid,  will  not 
allow  my  soul  to  keep  silence,  however  much 
I  may  wish  it:  I  implore  your  Highnesses  to 
forgive  my  complaints.  I  am  indeed  in  as 
ruined  a  condition  as  I  have  related;  hitherto 
I  have  wept  over  others;  may  Heaven  now 
have  mercy  upon  me,  and  may  the  earth  weep 


238  LETTER    TO 

for  me.  With  regard  to  temporal  things,  I 
have  not  even  a  blanca  for  an  offering;  and  in 
spiritual  things,  I  have  ceased  here  in  the  Indies 
from  observing  the  prescribed  forms  of  relig 
ion.  Solitary  in  my  trouble,  sick,  and  in  daily 
expectation  of  death,  surrounded  by  millions 
of  hostile  savages  full  of  cruelty,  and  thus  sep 
arated  from  the  blessed  sacraments  of  our  holy 
Church,  how  will  my  soul  be  forgotten  if  it  be 
separated  from  the  body  in  this  foreign  land  ? 
Weep  for  me,  whoever  has  charity,  truth,  and 
justice  !  I  did  not  come  out  on  this  voyage  to 
gain  to  myself  honor  or  wealth;  this  is  a  cer 
tain  fact,  for  at  that  time  all  hope  of  such  a  thing 
was  dead.  I  do  not  lie  when  I  say  that  I  went 
to  your  Highnesses  with  honest  purpose  of 
heart  and  sincere  zeal  in  your  cause.  I  hum 
bly  beseech  your  Highnesses,  that  if  it  please 
God  to  rescue  me  from  this  place,  you  will 
graciously  sanction  my  pilgrimage  to  Rome 
and  other  holy  places.  May  the  Holy  Trinity 
protect  your  Highnesses'  lives,  and  add  to  the 
prosperity  of  your  exalted  position. 

Done  in  the  Indies,  in  the  island  of  Jamaica, 


FERDINAND    AND    ISABELLA  239 

on  the  seventh  of  July,  in  the  year  one  thou 
sand  five  hundred  and  three. 


_'40  WILL   OF  COLUMBUS 


WILL  OF  COLUMBUS* 

In  the  noble  city  of  Valladolid,  on  the  nineteenth  day  of 
the  month  of  May,  in  the  year  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  six,  before 
me,  Pedro  de  Hinojedo,  clerk  of  the  council  of  their 
Highnesses,  provincial  clerk  in  their  court  and  chan 
cellery,  clerk  and  notary  public  in  all  their  kingdoms  and 
seigniories;  and  of  subscribing  witnesses:  Seiior  Don 
Cristobal  Colon,  Admiral,  Viceroy,  and  Governor-Gen 
eral  of  the  islands  and  mainland  of  the  Indies  discovered 
and  by  him  designated;  being  infirm  in  body,  he  has 
declared  that  whereas  he  had  made  his  will  before  a 
public  clerk,  that  he  now  did  revise  and  revises  the 
said  will,  and  he  did  approve  and  has  approved  it  well, 
and  if  necessary  he  did  authorize  and  has  authorized  it 
anew.  And  now,  having  enlarged  his  said  will,  he  had 
written  by  his  own  hand  a  manuscript  which  he  showed 
and  presented  before  me  the  said  clerk,  which  he  said 
was  written  by  his  own  hand,  and  signed  with  his  name, 
that  he  did  authorize  and  has  authorized  all  that  is  con 
tained  in  the  said  manuscript,  before  me  the  said  clerk, 
according  to  and  in  the  manner  and  form  that  is  con 
tained  in  said  manuscript,  and  that  all  the  bequests 
therein  contained  shall  be  executed,  and  be  binding  as 
his  latest  and  final  wish.  And  to  execute  his  said  will 

*  Written   Aug.    25,    1505,   and    executed    at    Valladolid, 
May  19,  1506,  the  day  before  Columbus  died.     The  orig 
inal  text  is  in   Navarrete's   Colcccion  de  los  Viages,     .     . 
Madrid,  1825. 


WILL    OF   COLUMBUS  241 

which  he  had  and  has  made  and  authorized,  and  all  that 
is  therein  contained,  each  and  every  part  of  it,  he  did 
name  and  has  named  for  his  executors  and  fulfillers  of 
his  intention  Senor  Don  Diego  Colon,  his  son,  and  Don 
Bartholomew  Colon,  his  brother,  and  Juan  de  Porras, 
treasurer  of  Vizcaya,  that  they  all  three  shall  execute 
his  will,  and  all  therein  contained  and  in  the  said  manu 
script,  and  all  the  bequests,  legacies  and  dispositions 
therein  contained.  For  which  purpose  he  said  that  he 
did  give,  and  has  given,  all  the  authority  requisite,  and 
that  he  did  authorize  and  has  authorized  before  me  the 
said  clerk  all  that  is  contained  in  the  said  manuscript; 
and  to  those  present  he  said  that  he  did  request  and  has 
requested  that  they  should  be  witnesses  of  it.  The 
witnesses  who  were  present,  summoned  and  requested 
to  observe  all  that  is  said  below,  the  Bachelor  Andres 
Miruena  and  Caspar  de  la  Misericordia,  inhabitants  of 
this  said  city  of  Valladolid,  and  Bartolome  de  Fresco, 
and  Alvaro  Perez,  and  Juan  Despinosa,  and  Andrea 
and  Hernando  de  Vargas,  and  Francisco  Manuel  and 
Fernan  Martinez,  servants  of  the  said  Senor  Admiral. 
The  tenor  of  which  said  manuscript,  as  it  was  written 
with  the  own  hand  of  the  said  Admiral,  and  signed  with 
his  name,  dc  verbo  ad  verburn,  is  as  follows: 

~\  T  7  HEN  I  departed  from  Spain  in  the  year 

*  *         fifteen   hundred   and    two,  I   had   pre 
pared    an   ordinance    and    mayorazgo*    of  my 
property,  and  in  a  manner  which  then  seemed 

*  This  must  have   superseded   that  printed  at   page   83, 
ante.      It  is  now  unknown. 


242  WILL    OF    COLUMBUS 

to  me  to  conform  to  my  wish  and  to  the  ser 
vice  of  the  eternal  God,  and  to  my  honor  and 
that  of  my  successors  :  which  manuscript  I 
left  in  the  monastery  of  Cucvas  in  Seville,  in 
the  care  of  Frey  Don  Caspar,  ~::~  with  my  other 
manuscripts  and  my  privileges,  and  the  letters 
which  I  possess  of  the  King  and  of  the  Queen, 
our  Sovereigns.  The  which  ordinance  I  ap 
prove  and  confirm  by  this,  which  I  write  for 
the  better  accomplishment  and  declaration  of 
my  intention.  The  which  I  direct  that  it  be 
executed  in  the  manner  herein  specified  and 
contained,  that  which  is  provided  for  by  tin's, 
is  not  to  be  executed  by  the  other,  for  there  is 
to  be  no  repetition. 

I  appoint  my  dear  son  Don  Diego  to  be  mv 
heir  of  all  my  property  and  offices  which  I  hold 
by  right  and  inheritance^  as  determined  in  the 
mayorazgo,  and  if  he  should  have  no  legal 
male  heir,  that  my  son  Don  Ferdinand  shall 
inherit  in  the  same  manner,  and  if  he  should 
have  no  legal  male  heir  that  Don  Bartholomew 

*  Caspar  Gorricio,  a  close  friend  of  Columbus. 


WILL    OF    COLUMBUS  243 

mv  brother  shall  inherit  in  the  same  manner, 
and  likewise  if  lie  should  have  no  male  heir, 
that  my  other  brother  shall  inJicrit ;  thus  it  is 
intended,  from  one  to  the  other  next  of  kin  of 
my  family,  and  this  continually.  And  there 
shall  be  no  female  heir  unless  the  males  become 
extinct,  and  if  that  should  happen  let  it  be  the 
female  nearest  of  kin  of  my  family. 

And  I  direct  the  said  Don  Diego,  my  son, 
or  whoever  shall  inherit,  that  they  shall  neither 
think  nor  presume  to  abridge  the  said  niayor- 
etzgo,  only  to  increase  it  and  enforce  it  :  it  is 
to  be  understood  that  the  income  which  he 
shall  have,  with  his  person  and  estate,  shall 
be  at  the  service  of  the  King  and  Queen,  our 
Sovereigns,  and  for  the  propagation  of  the 
Christian  religion. 

The  King  and  the  Queen,  our  Sovereigns, 
when  I  presented  to  them  the  Indies— I  say  pre-  \ 
sented,  because  it  is  evident  that  by  the  will  of 
God,  our  Sovereign,  I  gave  them,  as  a  thing 
that  was  mine,  I  can  say,  because  I  importuned 
their  royal  Highnesses  for  them,  which  were  un 
known,  and  the  way  hidden  from  those  who 


244  WILL    OF    COLUMBUS 

spoke  concerning  them,  and  for  the  voyage  of 
discovery  excepting  to  use  the  information 
and  my  person,  their  royal  Highnesses  did  not 
expend  or  desire  to  expend  for  the  purpose 
more  than  a  million  of  maravedis,  and  it  was 
necessary  for  me  to  expend  the  rest  :  thus  it 
pleased  their  royal  Highnesses  that  I  should 
have  for  my  portion,  out  of  the  said  Indies, 
islands  and  mainland  which  are  to  the  west 
of  a  line  that  they  ordered  to  be  drawn  be 
tween  the  islands  of  the  Azores,  and  those  of 
Cape  Verd,  one  hundred  leagues,  which  ex 
tends  from  pole  to  pole;  that  I  should  have 
for  my  portion  the  third  and  the  eighth  of  all, 
and  also  the  tenth  of  whatever  is  found  therein, 
as  is  declared  more  fully  by  my  said  privileges 
and  letters  of  grants. 

Because  heretofore  there  has  been  no  rev 
enue  received  from  the  said  Indies,  so  that  I 
could  separate  therefrom  the  sums  which  I  will 
mention  below,  and  we  hope  that  by  the  clem 
ency  of  our  sovereign  it  may  amount  to  a  very 
large  sum;  my  intention  would  be  and  is,  that 
Don  Ferdinand,  my  son,  should  receive  of  it 


WILL    OF    COLUMP.US  245 

one  million  and  a  half  each  year,  and  Don 
Bartholomew,  my  brother,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  maravedis,  and  Don  Diego,  my 
brother,  one  hundred  thousand  maravedis,  be 
cause  he  belongs  to  the  Church.  But  this 
cannot  be  assured  with  certainty,  because 
heretofore  I  have  not  received  nor  do  I  have 
any  known  income,  as  has  already  been  de 
clared. 

I  say,  for  the  further  declaration  of  the  afore 
said,  that  my  wish  is  that  the  said  Don  Diego, 
my  son,  shall  have  the  said  mayorazgo  with 
all  my  property  and  offices,  in  the  manner  al 
ready  declared,  and  as  I  hold  them.  And  I 
say  that  all  the  income  which  he  shall  receive  by 
reason  of  the  said  inheritance  ^  that  he  sJiall 
have  ten  parts  of  it  every  year,  and  tJiat  one 
part  of  these  ten  Jie  shall  divide  among  our  rel 
atives  who  appear  to  have  most  need  of  it,  and 
poor  persons,  and  in  other  pious  works.  And 
afterward  from  the  remaining  nine  parts  he 
shall  take  two  and  divide  them  into  thirty-five 
parts,  and  of  these  Don  Ferdinand,  my  son, 
shall  have  twenty-seven,  and  Don  Barthol- 


246  WILL   OF   COLUMBUS 

omew  shall  have  five,  and  Don  Diego,  my 
brother,  three.  And  because,  as  I  have  already 
declared,  my  wish  would  be  that  Don  Ferdi 
nand,  my  son,  should  have  one  million  and  a 
half,  and  Don  Bartholomew  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  maravedis,  and  Don  Diego  one 
hundred  thousand;  and  I  do  not  know  how  it 
may  be  assured,  because  heretofore  the  said 
income  of  the  said  mayorazgo  has  not  been 
known  nor  the  amount;  I  say  that  this  order 
aforesaid  should  be  followed  until  it  shall 
please  our  Sovereign  that  the  said  two  parts  of 
the  said  nine  shall  be  sufficient  and  shall 
amount  to  such  an  increase  that  they  shall 
contain  the  said  million  and  a  half  for  Don 
Ferdinand,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
for  Don  Bartholomew,  and  one  hundred  thous 
and  for  Don  Diego.  And  when  it  shall  please 
God  that  it  may  be  so,  or  that  if  the  said  two 
parts,  to  be  understood  of  the  nine  aforesaid, 
shall  amount  to  the  sum  of  one  million  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  maravedis,  that  all 
the  surplus  should  belong  to  Don  Diego,  my 
son,  or  whoever  shall  inherit;  and  I  say  and 


WILL    OF    COLUMBUS  247 

request  of  the  said  Don  Diego,  my  son,  or  of 
whoever  shall  inherit,  that  if  the  income  of 
this  said  mayorasgo  shall  grow  largely,  that 
it  will  please  me  to  have  the  portion  afore 
said  increased  to  Don  Ferdinand  and  to  my 
brothers. 

I  say  that  this  part  which  I  direct  to  give  to 
Don  Ferdinand,  my  son,  that  I  make  of  it  a  may 
or  azgo  for  him,  and  that  to  him  shall  succeed 
his  eldest  son,  and  in  like  manner  from  one  to 
the  other  perpetually,  without  the  power  to  sell 
or  exchange  or  give  or  abuse  in  any  way,  and 
it  shall  be  in  the  manner  and  form  which  was 
declared  in  the  other  mayorasgo  which  I  have 
made  for  Don  Diego,  my  son. 

I  say  to  Don  Diego,  my  son,  and  I  direct 
that  as  soon  as  he  shall  have  income  from  the 
said  mayorazgo  an  inheritance  sufficient  to 
maintain  a  chapel,  that  he  shall  cause  to  be 
appointed  three  chaplains  who  shall  say  three 
masses  every  day — one  to  the  honor  of  the  Holy 
Trinity,  another  to  the  Conception  of  our 
Lady,  and  the  other  for  the  souls  of  all  the 
faithful  dead,  and  for  my  soul  and  tJiat  of  my 


248  WILL    OF   COLUMBUS 

father  and  mother  and  wife.  And  that  if  his 
wealth  is  sufficient  that  he  shall  enrich  the  said 
chapel,  and  shall  increase  the  supplications  and 
prayers  for  the  honor  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  and 
if  this  can  be  done  in  the  island  Espanola 
which  God  gave  to  me  miraculously,  I  would 
be  glad  to  have  it  there  where  I  invoked  it, 
which  is  in  the  plain  called  of  the  Conception. 
I  say  and  direct  to  Don  Diego,  my  son,  or  to 
whoever  shall  inherit,  that  he  shall  pay  all  the 
debts  which  I  leave  here  in  a  memorial,  in  the 
form  therein  specified,  and  all  the  others  which 
justly  seem  to  be  owed  by  me.  And  I  direct 
him  that  he  shall  have  special  care  for  Beatrice 
Enriquez,  the  mother  of  Don  Ferdinand,  my 
son,  that  he  shall  provide  for  her  so  that  she 
may  live  comfortably,  like  a  person  should  for 
whom  I  have  so  much  regard.  And  this  shall 
be  done  for  the  ease  of  my  conscience,  because 
this  has  weighed  heavily  on  my  soul.  The 
reason  therefor  it  is  not  proper  to  mention 
here.  Done  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  August  in 
the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  five. 

CJiristo  ferens . 


WILL    OF    COLUMBUS  249 

The  witnesses  who  were  present  and  who  saw  done  and 
authorized  all  the  above  said  by  the  said  Sefior  Admiral, 
according  to  and  in  the  manner  aforesaid:  the  said  Bachelor 
de  Mirueiia,  Caspar  de  la  Misericordia,  inhabitants  of  the 
said  city  of  Valladolid,  and  Bartoiome  de  Fresco  and  Alvar 
Perez  and  Juan  Despinosa  and  Andrea  and  Fernando  de 
Vargas  and  Francisco  Manuel  and  Fenian  Martinez,  ser 
vants  of  the  said  Senor  Admiral.  And  I,  the  said  Pedro  de 
Hinojedo,  clerk  and  notary  public  aforesaid,  together  with 
the  said  witnesses,  to  all  the  aforesaid  I  was  present.  And 
therefore  I  put  here  this  my  notarial  mark  as  such:  in  tes 
timony  of  the  truth — Pedro  de  Hinojedo,  clerk. 


THE    END. 


INDEX 


Aborigines,  42,  48,  53,  54, 
57,  bo,  64,  69,  84,  117,  119, 
125,  £55,  173,  204,  213, 
222;  Description  of,  44,  46, 
56,  109,  117,  124;  Trade 
with,  40,  57;  Religion  of, 
40,  58;  Kings  of,  56,  54, 
123,  214,  232;  Cannibals, 
47,227;  Women,  46,  48,  62, 
63,  165,  225;  Abuse  of,  165. 

Africa,  in,  148;  Cicumnavi- 
gation  of,  15,  208. 

Aguado,  Jur-.n,  162,  167. 

Alcazar,   in. 

Alexander,  no,  in,  144. 

A  m  e  r  i  c  a  ( see  a  I  so  In  di<.  's ,  Wt  'st 
Indies,  Western  Lands), 
Discovery  of,  18,  23,  32, 
48,  52,  84,  106,  152;  Map 
ping  of,  21 ;  Colonies  in, 
45,  155,  165,  213;  Right  of 
Columbus  in,  75,  83,  179; 
Division  of,  172;  Value  of, 
50,^64,  109,  147. 

South    (see   also  Gratia, 

Trinidad,  Veragtia),  Dis 
covery,  115,  154;  Natives, 
117,  123,  136;  Exploration, 
116,  204;  Paradise  in,  141. 

Anam,  province  of,  44. 

Arabia  Felix,  172. 

Arabian  Gulf,  134. 

Arabs,  145. 


Arenal,  point  of,  119,  122. 
Arin,  island  of,  134. 
Aristotle,  cited,  12,  137,  144. 
Aurea,  Mines  of,  231. 
Avenruyz,  see  Averrhoes. 
Averrhoes,  cited,  144. 
Ayte,  sec  Espanola. 
Azores,   islands,   21,   65,  83, 

90,  114,  130,  134. 
Bastimentos,  harbor  of,  209. 
Bede,  cited,  140. 
Belen,  219. 
Bobadilla,    F.   de,    159,    168, 

174,  I  So. 

Bocas,  Isla  de  las,  223. 
Brazil,  22,  223. 
Cadiz,  34,  73,  74,  199. 
Canary   Islands,  21,  30,  113, 

114,  131,  140,  199. 
Cangara,   134. 
Cannibals,  47,  227. 
Carambaru,  204,  207. 
Caravels,    30,    45,    215,  212, 

225. 

Cariay,  204,  225. 
Caribee,  island  of,  115. 
Cartography,    evidence     of, 

20. 
Castile,  kingdom  of,  61,  66, 

68,  72,  84,  89,  103,  198. 
Cathay  (China), 1 6, 35, 5 3, 220. 
Catholic  Church,  n,  28,  41, 

101,147. 


251 


252 


INDEX 


Catigara,  208. 

Cetrefrey,  island  of,  54. 

Ceuta,  in. 

Charis,  island  of,  47. 

Chios,  49. 

Christian    faith,    spread    of, 

28,  41,  49,  103,  229. 
Ciamba,  province  of,  204. 
Cibau,  province  of,  Go. 
Ciguare,  205,  206,  207. 
Cipango    (Japan),   island   of, 

84. 

Colonies,  45,  155,  165,  113. 
Columbus,        Bartholomew, 
86,  89,  91,  93,94,  102,  150, 
155,  160,  168,  201,  204, 213, 
216,  241,  242. 
— Christopher  —  Varying 

opinions  of,  n. 
Special  fitness  of,  16. 
Did     he     first    discover 

America  ?  18. 
Why    his    discovery    is 

famous,  23. 
Defects  of,  24. 
Letter  to  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella    (1492),     27  ; 
(1493)  67;  (1498)  105; 
(1503)  199. 

Gives  information  to 
Spanish  sovereigns, 
28,  106. 

Argues  a  western  route 

to  the  Indies,  28,  106. 

His  theory  treated  with 

contempt,  107,  152. 
Ennobled      and       privi 
leged,  29,  75,  177,  224. 
Sails  from  Palos,  28. 
Ships  of,  30,  215. 
Letter  to  Sanchez,  33. 
Discovers  West  Indies, 
34,  52,  84,  108. 


-Names  islands,  35,  53. 

Explores  the  West  In 
dies,  35,  54. 

Describes  natives,  37, 
56. 

Settles  colony  in  Espufi- 
ola,  45,  61. 

Letter  to  Santangel,  52. 

Natives  believe  him 
heaven-born,  59. 

Encounters  great  storm, 
66,  200. 

Vows  a  pilgrimage,  66. 

Plans  for  government  of 
Espafiola,  67. 

Signature  of,  72,  90. 

Privileges  and  rights  of, 
75,  177,  224. 

Entails  his  property,  Si. 

Complaints  against,  108 
112,  151,  158,  164,  1 66. 

Arms  of,  89. 

Encouraged  by  Spanish 
sovereigns,  112. 

Sails  on  third  voyage, 
112. 

Reaches  Cape  Verd 
Islands,  113. 

Discovers  South  Ameri 
ca,  115. 

Adventures  in  Gulf  of 
Paria,  119,  155. 

Theory  of  the  world's 
shape,  137. 

Theory  of  the  location 
of  Paradise,  139,  209. 

Letter  to  Torres,  151. 

Ill-usage  of,  151,  158, 
168,  180,  236. 

Divine  aid  to,  83,  152, 
173,  216. 

Queen  Isabella  sup 
ports,  152. 


INDEX 


253 


— Revolts  quelled  by,  155. 
Troubled     by     Ilojeda, 

155,  156. 
Distressing  position  of, 

154- 

Superseded  by  Bobad il 
ia,  159,  i  So. 

Placed  in  chains,  iCS. 

House     of,    plundered, 

175- 

Fourth  voyage  of,  199. 
Sickness     of,    126,    127, 

203,    216,  238. 
Poverty  of,  204,  238. 
Adventures  on    Central 

American  coast,  209. 
Founds     settlement     at 

Veragua,  214. 
Reaches  Jamaica,  221. 
Will  of,  240. 

—  Diego  (son),  86,  89,  91, 
93,  96,  98,  100,  102,  104, 
167,  191,  204,  241,  242. 

—  Diego   (brother),    86,    89, 
93,  94,  246. 

—  Ferdinand,  86,  93,  94,  98, 
157,  203,  242,  248. 

Comestor,  P.,  cited,  140. 

Corunna,   60. 

Cosco,  Leander  de,  33. 

Cuba,  see  Juana. 

D'Ailly,  P.,  cited,   144. 

Dead  Sea,  146. 

Deza,  Fray  D.  de,  107. 

Dominica,  199. 

Dragon's  Mouth,  139,  142. 

Egypt,  217. 

Enchanter,  225. 

Enriquez,  B.,  248. 

Esdras,  Book  of,  cited,  145. 

Espanola  (see  also  Navidad, 
Xaragita\  37,  38,  44-  47- 
54,  60,  63,  66,  72,  Si,  84, 


85,  103,  108,  113,  154,  156, 

!59>  !75>  20°,  2°7>  22°'  222» 
223,  228,  233,  248;  First 
settlement  at,  45,  49,  61, 
64,  85,  155;  Government 
of,  67;  Colonists  of,  45, 
155,  165;  Revolts  in,  155, 
156;  Bobadilla  seizes  gov 
ernment  of,  159,  I  So. 

Ethiopia,  46,  139,  140,  208. 

Euphrates,  139. 

Ferdinand  of  Spain  (see  also 
Spain],  18,  33,  67,  75,  83, 
97,  105,  158,  199;  Letters 
of,  30,  161;  Letters  to,  27, 
67,  105,  199. 

Fernandina,  island  of,  35,  53. 

Fortunate  islands,  140. 

Gadibus,  34. 

Galea,  cape,  see  Galcota. 

Galeota,  cape,  116. 

Galilee,  sea  of,  146. 

Gallega,  island  of,  201. 

Gama,  Vasco  da,  208. 

Ganges,  139,  207. 

Genoa,  16,  88,  98,  99,  100, 
102,  197,  233. 

Gold,  14,  38,  56,  61,  68,  108, 
in,  123,  126,  154,  157, 
163,  165,  168,  173,  175, 
207,  213,  228,  230. 

Gomera,  34. 

Gracia,  119,  122,  129,  136, 
146. 

Gracias  a  Dios,  cape,  202. 

Granada,  28,  30. 

Great  Inagua,  35,  53. 

Greece,  64. 

Greeks,  in,  139,  145,  171. 

Guanahani,  island  of,  35,  53. 

Guinea,  62,  in,  131,  148. 

Haiti,  see  Espanola. 

Hargin,  island  of,  135. 


254 


INDEX 


Hispaniola,  .<•<•<*  Kspanola. 
Hojeda,  A.  de,  155,  156,  157, 
161. 

Honduras,  202. 

Indies  (sec  also  West  Indies, 
Cathay,  Cipango},  28,  30, 
34,  47,  52,  58,'  63,  66,  77, 
79,  Si,  83,  89,  100,  113, 
114,  126,  130,  136,  137, 
144,  153,  156,  165,  166, 
171,  172,  175,  179,  184, 
186,  190.  194,  197,  199, 
217,  233;  Westerly  route 
to,  15,  18,  29;  African 
route  to,  15,  18,  208;  Eu 
ropean  interest  in,  14,  28, 
232;  Division  of,  172. 

Indians,  see  Aborigines. 

Isabella  of  Spain  (see  also 
Spain,  Castile},  iS,  33,  67, 
75,  83,  97,  105,  153,  158, 
199;  Letters  of,  30,  31,  161 ; 
Letters  to,  27,  67,  105,  199. 

Isabella,  island  of,  35,  53. 

Jamaica,   island   of,   85,  199, 

201,    222. 

Jerusalem,     99,     100,      no; 

Columbus  plans  conquest 

of,  99.  _ 
John,  Prince  Don,  of  .Spain. 

28,  88,  151,  153. 
Juan,  Prince,  see  JoJin. 
Juana,  island  of,   35,   36,   37, 

38,  44,  53,  54,  56,  60,   108. 
Kooblai  Khan,  28,   232. 
La  Vega,  160. 

Lira,  Nicolas  de,  cited,  144. 
Lisbon,  Columbus  at,  51,  66, 

1 66. 
Little    Inagua,  island  of,  35, 

53- 

Madeira,  island  of,  112,  131. 
Mago,  province  of,  220. 


Mahomet,  29. 

Mairones,  Francis  de,  cited, 

145- 

Mango,  hind  of,  224. 
Map-makers,    testimony    of, 

21. 

Marchena,  Fray  J.  Poe,  107. 
Marinus,  cited,  2. 
Matenin,  island  of,  48. 
Mecca,  172. 
Mejorada,  172. 
Mesopotamia,  139. 
Mozica,  Adrian,  156,  157. 
Monicongos,  84. 
Moors,  27,  in,  153,  155. 
Navidad    del    Senor,    settle 
ment  of,  45,  49,  61,  64. 
Nero,  Caesar,  no,  144. 
Nile  River,  no,  139,  140. 
Nina,  caravel,  30,  45. 
North    Caico,    island   of,    35, 

53-  103-4. 
North  Pole,  172. 
Orinoco,  119. 
Palos,  17,  30. 

Paria,  119,  154,  155,  156,  233. 
Pearls,    123,    127,    154,    228, 

230;  Gulf  of,  138." 
Pedro    de    Aliaco,   cardinal, 

cited,  144. 
Perez,  Alonzo,  115. 
Persia,  139;   Gulf  of,  134. 
Pinta,  caravel,  30,  45. 
Plato,  cited,  12. 
Pliny,  cited,  12,  143,  144. 
Pope  of  Rome,  28,  33,  172, 

225. 

Porras,  J.  de,  241. 
Portugal,    15,  66,    in,    134, 

148,  172,  196. 
Ptolemy,  133,  135,    139,  145, 

208. 
Puerto  Gordo,  211. 


INDEX 


2?5 


Ouibian,  Cacique,  214,    215,  ' 

Retrete,  210. 

Romans,    in,    139,  144,  171.  I 

Sanchez,  Raphael,  Letter  to,  j 

33- 

St.  Ambrose,  cited,  140,  145. 

St.  Augustine,  cited,  145. 

St.  George,  bank  of,  99,  100.  | 

St.  Isidore,  140. 

St.  John,  cited,  145. 

St.  Peter,  153,  154. 

San  Domingo,   see  Espanola. 

Sandy  Point,  117. 

San  Lucar,  112. 

San  Salvador,  island  of,  35, 
53- 

Santa  Maria,  caravel,  30,  45. 

Santa  Maria  de  la  Concep- 
cion,  island  of,  35,  53,  103, 
104. 

Santangel,  Luis  de,  Letter 
to,_  52. 

Santiago,  85. 

Scot  us,  cited,  140. 

Seneca,  cited,  144. 

Seras,  135. 

Serpent's  Mouth,  138. 

Sierra   Leone,  115,    131,  136. 

Simon    El    Kraso,  cited,  145. 

Solomon,  no,  230. 

Sopora,  Mount,    no. 

Spain  (sec  also  Castile},  16,  27, 
37,  44,    55,  60,  65,  83,  107, 
no,  125,  130,  144,  146,  148, 
153,    158,    163,    171,     174, 
201,   204,     222;   People  of,  I 
173,    215;     Sovereigns   of,  I 
(see  also  Ferdinand  and  Is-  , 
<i(>flla\    27,    33,    67,  75,  83,  | 
105,  148,  153,  158,  199,  204;  | 
Colonists  from,  155,    165;  i 
Claim  to  America,  172.         ' 


Strebo,  cited,   12,   140. 

St.  Vincent, cape,  1 1 2, 1 34, 208. 

Tangier,  in. 

Taprobana,  island  of,  no. 

Theopompus,  cited,  12. 

Tigris,  I3V'. 

Torres,  Antonio  de,  172. 

— Juana  de  la,  Letter  10,151. 

Tortosa,  207. 

Trade,  Eastern,  14;  with  na 
tives,  40,  57. 

Trinidad,  island  of,  116,  119, 
121,  129,  136. 

Valencia,  116,  136. 

Venice,  207,  230. 

Veragua,  205,  207,  211,  212, 
228,  230,  232. 

Verd,  cape  cle,  islands,  83, 
90,  113,  131,  136. 

Virgil,  cited,  12. 

Western  lands  (see  also  In 
dies},  Suggestions  of,  12; 
Rumors  of,  19,  50,  65; 
Mapping  of,  21;  Value,  19, 
22;  Conditions  needed  for 
discovery  of,  13;  Pre-Co 
lumbian  findings  of,  1 8,  20. 

West  Indies  (see  also  Indies], 
Discovery,  33,  52,  84,  107; 
Naming,  35,  52;  Descrip 
tion,  37,  54;  Climate,  37, 
47,  55)  113>  ]32:  Natives 
(sec  Aborigines};  Settle 
ments  in  (see  Espanola}; 
Gold  in,  38,  56,  61,  68,  108, 
in;  Size  of,  60;  Colonists 
of,  45,  155,  165;  Govern 
ment  of,  67,  159,  180. 

World,  shape  of,  12,133,  137; 
Size  of,  16,  208. 

Xaragua,  157,  160. 

Yanez,  Vincent,  156. 

Zacharias,   cited,   145. 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIF 


GENERAL  LIBRARY -U.C.  BERKELEY 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


